SPECIAL AIR SERVICE (SAS) – BACK IN ULSTER

SAS FLY IN FOR G8 SUMMIT

A CRACK SAS it is heading back to Ulsterfor next month’s G8 summit. It is understood soldiers from the elite regiment will be based at RAF Aldergrove in the lead up to the summit which will herald the most exhaustive security operation ever mounted in the six counties.

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All police leave has been canceled with PSNI/RUC numbers being boosted by by the arrival of an estimated 2,500 reinforcements from forces in Britain, bringing the number of police on the ground for the three day conference starting on June 17, to just under 10,000. There will also be a significant military presence on the ground and with each country also bringing it’s own security details to closely gaurd the world leaders, the area surronding Fermanagh‘s Lough Erne Resort will become one of the most militarised and secure zones on the planet. But it will be the presence of the SAS on the ground which has the potential to spark the most controversy.

Demand

Security sources have told us a unit will be stationed at RAF Aldergrove and will remain on full alert until all delegates have left the North of Ireland. The unit will remain on base, unless urgently required. “It is only natural that the SAS should be close at hand during the G8,” said our source. “The world’s leaders including Barack Obama are coming to Fermanagh and as such they demand and expect the ultimate protection.” The security operation surronding the summit is expected to cost in the region of £100 million. Last month the Sunday World revealed an eight foot steel fence is to be erected on the perimeter of the venue and there will be security patrols round the clock. It had been feared the resort would be the target of dissident attacks, but it  is extremely unlikely any terrorist group would attempt to breach such a ring of steel. The summit, will however, be the target of organized protests. Last night Donal O’Cofaigh of the G8 Not Welcome group, criticised the PSNI/RUC for what he described as “irresponsible, provocative and groundless ” accusations which include claims that protesters were preparing violent attacks on conference delegates. ” The statements coming from senior PSNI/RUC representatives to the media are outlandish and are clearly an attempt to smear and denidrate the thousands of people who will protest against the G8,” he said.” This sort of propaganda is designed to distrsct from the actual reasons why people wish to protest and an attempt to intimidate people from taking up their legitimate right to protestp peacefully.“The G8 governments represent the 1 per cent, not the 99 per cent. They are responsible for orchestrating the global austerity measures which are causing untold misery for ordinary people and msss unemployment in country after country. They seek to safegaurd an econimic system which results only in global poverty, permanent wars of plunder and widespread enviromental destruction.” He also called dissident groups to step back from the threat of violent action. ” The security agenda is only facilitated by the actions of paramilitary organisations who have announced their intention to target the G8 summit. In addition to the threat posed to ordinary people and their wider divisive impact of such activities, those tactics are deeply counter-productive.” Fermanagh G8 Not Welcome calls on all such groups to immediately cease any planned military actions related to the summit.”

Protests

Trade unionists, anti-war activists, charities, anti-fracking organistions, environmentists and pro-Palestinian lobbyists are all expected to be involved in demonstrations, under the banner People Before Profit. Police have also revealed they are exspanding custody provision at stations across the North of Ireland for the summit. Courts and prisons staff will also step up work-loads in the anticipation of extra arrests. An unused 108-capacity unit at Maghaberry high security prison in Co Antrim and a former army site in Co Tyrone have both been earmarked for use. People Before Profit spokesman Eamon McCann warned protesters to be wary of provocation and said campaigners had been alarmed at the sight of US security personel on the streets of towns accross Fermanagh. ” I would hope that the protests would be peaceful but you cannot rule out provocation in some form,” he said. Police defused a viable explosive device after a two day operation in Fermanagh last month. It haf been speculated the bomb had been destined for the Lough Erne Resort but that was quickly discounted with Lisnaskea security base the more likely target. But it highlighted the risk posed by dissident groups in Fermanagh.

With many thanks to : Richard Sullivan, Sunday World.

DING DONG AT BBC OVER WITCH SONG !

” I do believe it would be wrong to ban the song outright as free speech is an important principle ” – Tony Hall.

THE BBC will not play Ding, Dong the Witch is Dead – a big seller following the death of Margaret Thatcher – in full during Radio 1’s chart show today. The song has shot into the top five after an online campaign encouraged opponents to the late British minister to buy it.

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A spokesman for the corporation said : ” The BBC finds this campaign distastful but does not beleive the record should be banned. ” Today, the Radio 1 Chart Show will contain a news item explaining why the song is in the charts, during which a short clip will be played as it has been in some of our news programmes.” BBC director-general Tony Hall said : ” I understand the concerns about the campaign. I personally beleive it is distasteful and inappropriate. ” However, I do beleive it would be wrong to ban the song outright as free speech is an important principle and a ban would give it more publicity.” Radio 1 controller Ben Cooper said there were ” very difficult and emotional arguments on both sides of the fence”. He told BBC Radio 1’s Newsbeat: ” Let’s not forget you also have a family that is grieving for a loved one who is yet to be buried.” Writing in his BBC blog, Mr Cooper said he had been ” caught between a rock and a hard place “. He said : ” Nobody at Radio 1 wishes to cause offence but nor do I beleive that we can ignore the song in the chartshow, which is traditionally a formal record of the biggest-selling singles of the week. That in turn means that all songs in the chart become a historic fact.

” I’ve therefore decided exceptionally that we should treat the rise of the song, based as it is on a political campaign to denigrate Lady Thatcher’s memory, as a news story. ” So we will play a brief excerpt of it in a short news report during the show which explains to our audience why a 70-year-old song is at the top of the charts. Most of them are too young to remember Lady Thatcher and many will be baffled by the sound of the Munchkins from The Wizard Of Oz.”An online campaign has driven sales of the song – which lasts less than a minute and is a clip of a longer peice from The Wizard of Oz – the latest placings released by the Official Charts Company show it has sold 20,000 copies and was at number four on Wednesday night. The late former prime minister divided opinion and while many have mourne, some have seen her death as a cause for celebration, promping a download surge of the song. The BBC has in the past refused to play hit songs if they were regarded as offensive. The song was at number three on Friday morning having sold about 12,000 fewer copies than the pprescient chart topper Need U (100%) by Duke Dumont, but with the final sales not coming in until the end of Saturday night, it could still take top spot. In the Republic Ding, Dong The Witch Is Dead on Friday became the oldest recording ever to enter the chart. RTE said it will not ban the song. A spoke swoman confirmed it was played on 2fm on Friday.

With many thanks to : Robert Dex, Irish News.

Case on IRA Troubles escalates in US Supreme Court

Boston College Subpoena News

Case on IRA Troubles escalates in US Supreme Court
By Lyle Denniston, reporter for scotusblog.com, an online journal of American law
UKSCBlog – UK Supreme Court Blog
FRIDAY 12 Apr 2013

A case of two academic researchers who sought to explore the role of “foot soldiers” in the Troubles in Northern Ireland has escalated in the US Supreme Court into a major test case on the confidentiality of information gathered by journalists and academics, around the globe. It also poses a significant test of how a US court should react to a plea for cooperation by police authorities in the UK.

The Justices of the Supreme Court are just now beginning to confront the case of former Irish journalist Ed Moloney and former Provisional IRA member Anthony McIntyre, with several scenarios of an outcome still possible. In the meantime, the case’s importance has gained with legal filings by journalists, social…

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THE MURDERS OF PAT AND HARRY LOUGHNANE BY CORMAC O COMHRAI

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The remains of Pat Loughane

War Of IndependenceONLINE ARCHIVE CHRONICLING THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE IN CLARE AND SOUTH GALWAY IN THE IRA’S 1ST WESTERN DIVISION AREA.

The murders of Pat & Harry Loughnane By Cormac O Comhrai

The murders of Pat and Harry Loughnane1

By  Cormac O Comhrai

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County Galway saw its share of controversial incidents during the War of Independence. Most, but not all, of these incidents were carried out by the Crown Forces and specifically the R.I C. police force and a new force, the Auxiliaries, which was created in order to help the R.I.C. in dealing with militant republicanism. These incidents attracted condemnation and press attention locally, nationally and internationally. Several of these controversial incidents occurred in November 1920 a month during which the Crown Forces killed a pregnant woman and a Catholic priest in Galway. It was a controversial and bloody month at a national level as well with the killings of Republican prisoners in Dublin Castle and the shootings in Croke Park on Bloody Sunday, the execution of Kevin Barry and the Kilmichael Ambush in Cork. In the same month two brothers disappeared after being arrested by Auxiliaries based in Drumharsna Castle near Ardrahan in South Galway. The names of these brothers were Pat and Harry Loughnane. We have no way of knowing what kind of person Harry was from the scant evidence that remains but we can guess at Pat`s personality. He was loyal to and protective of his family. He was confident and assured. He was a leader. He was a hard worker. He was physically brave. Politically they were both republicans and they were both members of republican organisations. They were, however, on balance neither extraordinary nor leaders of note. They were similar to thousands of young men of their age and background in Ireland at the time. It is not their arrest nor even their murder that makes their case different and significant but the manner in which they were treated in the hours before their deaths, how they met their deaths and the manner in which an attempt to cover these events up that makes their case of interest to historians of the period.

The last census that occurred under British rule took place in 1911. We learn a certain amount and we can infer other things from the information contained in the form that was returned by Loughnane family. This census shows that the Loughnanes lived and farmed in the townland of Derry, in the parish of Beagh, near Gort in the barony of Kiltartan in south county Galway. Like all the other households of the townland the Loughnanes were Catholic. Kate, the mother, is described in that census as being married rather than widowed. By 1920 she was certainly widowed. (This was stated by her daughter Norah in an interview conducted by Ernie O`Malley).2She was fifty six in 1911.3 She was able to read and write and was listed as a speaker of Irish as well as of English. It is safe to assume that given her age and the area in which she lived that she was a native speaker. It is also safe to assume that English was the language that she spoke to her children. Only one of the four children at home on the night of the census was also able to speak Irish. That was Norah who was a school monitress at the time and would go on to become a teacher in Corrandulla. She was sixteen at that time.

Memorial Card for Loughnane Brothers.

The others were Pat who was twenty, Hugh who was nineteen and had emigrated to England by 1920 and Harry who was fourteen. Harry later spent a year in De la Salle College in Waterford preparing to be a primary teacher but had to drop out for health reasons. Katie, another sister, was also teaching in Corofin by 1920. The Loughnanes were one of sixteen households in the townland. Their house was comfortably ranked in the middle tier of the townland`s houses. It was a four room house, three windows in the front with three outhouses: a cowhouse, a stable and a piggery. Only five of the other households had more outhouses with two others also having three.4 Kate Loughnane`s literacy and Norah`s educational ambition also support this idea of a family comfortable if not wealthy. This was backed up by report at the time of their murder and afterwards. By 1920, as well as their own farm of twenty five acres and taking outside tillage, the Loughnanes had bought another farm from money that Pat had saved.5 Like many families whose lot in life was slowly improving during the late nineteenth/ early twentieth century it seems to have been a political household or at least Pat and Harry were both interested in the events that were unfolding around them. Pat had previously been a member of the UIL. The UIL was an organisation that sought change in the lives of those who farmed the land. But it was a broad church and included both conservative and radical elements. In December 1923 the anti-Treaty T.D. Louis O`Dea who was based in Galway City and probably didn`t know the Loughnanes described this period of Pat`s life as Pat: “worked for the uplifting of the poor and the division of the grass lands, to replace the cattle by the people.”6 As well as communal agitation Galway had been rife with violent agrarian trouble for several generations and some prominent republicans in the county were also involved in agrarian agitation. In 1919 Pat Loughnane was one of twelve Beagh men who served terms of imprionment for a riot triggered by a dispute over the grazing of cattle where it was felt that a local farmer had been grazing cattle outside his own land. It seems that Loughnane`s involvement was over stated and the defence focused on securing his release rather than the other defendants. It seems that after Pat became radicalised by the Easter Rising that he regretted the UIL affiliation7 but the desire for change did not evaporate, however.

The 1916 Rising and, more importantly, the mishandling of the Rising by British Forces, the issues of partition and conscription changed the political landscape not totally but hugely in the period between the Easter Rising and the founding of Dáil Éireann in 1919. Galway, as one of the few areas outside of Dublin City that saw a mobilisation and a limited uprising saw hundreds of men, some not actually involved in the uprising itself, arrested, imprisoned or interned. 322 men with Galway addresses were interned in Frongoch Internment Camp alone including men from Gort, Kilcolgan, Ardrahan, Kinvarra, Peterswell, Loughrea8 all in the same general area as the Loughnanes came from. The Loughnanes must have known some of these men or their families through relations, fairs, business or hurling however casual this connection may have been. Both Pat and Harry got swept up in the radicalisation of nationalist opinion in the years 1916-1918. Pat is supposed to have said: “It grieves me to think that we stood by while others suffered. If I only got the least inkling of the Rising and what Sinn Féin stood for, I too, would have done my part.”9 On the first anniversary of the 1916 Rising Beagh was named in the Connacht Tribune as one of seven places in county Galway where republican flags were hung up to commemorate the events of Easter Week.10 Sinn Féin and the Irish Volunteers spread throughout the country but their spread was as dramatic in the West as it was anywhere. Cumainn and companies sprang up all over County Galway. The Loughnanes were to the forefront of this development in their own locality. Pat became the President of the local Sinn Féin cumann and Harry became its secretary.11 According to the South Galway Roll of Honour Pat and Harry both joined the Volunteers in 1917. Pat organised the Volunteers in Beagh Parish and was the commanding officer there.12 Pat, at least, was to go on to become an active Volunteer. Harry seems to have life long health problems13 which may have contributed to a lack of activity. The effects of this sickness are perhaps overstated as Harry was strong enough to be  the goalkeeper of his club hurling team. Pat was the team`s full back. But his health was poor enough for him to have dropped out of education.14

Support for republicanism was very strong in South Galway. The 1918 general election was a straight contest between a stalwarth of the Home Rule Party and a 1916 veteran standing for Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin took 86% of the vote.15 Despite this there was very little I.R.A. activity in the area until the summer of 1921. This was a pattern replicated in many other areas in Galway and in the West. Basically all of the violence used in 1919 in South Galway was directed at large landowners and their workers as well as as a result of neighbours`disputes over land rather than being directed at the police. The only violence directed at the R.I.C. was a shot being fired at Tubber barracks in August.16 If the start date of the War of Independence is taken as the 21st of January 1919 with the killing of two policemen in Soloheadbeg, Co. Tipperary the shot fired at Tubber Barracks can be described as being the first shot of the War of Independence in Galway. Even this action could easily be over land agitation. It wasn`t until January 1920 that the War of Independence could be said to have begun in Galway however. Meanwhile in 1919 the violence over land continued in South Galway. In April and May there were three woundings in Gort including that of a JP and landowner. In June a herd`s house was fired over also in Gort. In October there was a wounding in Kinvara and a house was fired into at Beagh and in November there was another attack at Kinvara when a merchant was shot and wounded. In December a farmer`son was wounded near Loughrea.17 The most significant incident of 1919 in South Galway and the only killing occurred in the summer and that was described by the police as a land dispute.18An ex-policeman named John Carr was killed in a fight outside his home in Tierneevin not far from where the Loughnanes lived. A local man, John Quinn, was arrested, charged with and pleaded guilty to manslaughter rather than murder. Quinn was accused of the assault on his father by Francis Carr,a son of the victim.19  According to Pádraig Ó Fathaigh, an I.R.A. Intelligence Officer in South Galway, the man responsible for the death of Carr was Pat Loughnane who he also named as the captain of the Beagh Company of the I.R.A. This rank may be incorrect as Loughnane was described as a 2nd Lieutenant in the Beagh Company in another republican source.20 Ó Fathaigh also went on to claim that a son of the ex-R.I.C. sergeant joined the Auxiliaries and came home looking for revenge. He claims that Loughnane and an I.R.A. lieutenant disarmed the vengeful son and raided his home for arms.21 This arms raid can be dated to July of 1920 when he was described as being home on leave from the Army. In this report he was called William.22Tom McInerney the I.R.A. O/C in South West Galway when the Loughnanes were arrested also linked their killings with that of John Carr. According to him Pat Loughnane raided the Carr home looking for a pistol. McInerney thought that Loughnane`s weak voice led to his identification. McInerney also claimed that Carr`s son (whom he also calls William) was there when the Loughnanes were murdered.23

RIC Auxialiaries using blood hounds to track the IRA

Up to the Autumn of 1920 the I.R.A. in South Galway was involved in raiding private homes for arms, in destroying barracks that had been vacated by the R.I.C. and in a small number of, mostly low level, attacks on the R.I.C. Pat Loughnane is mentioned in relation to at least two of these incidents (one of them the disarming of Carr the Auxiliary) and it seems likely that he was involved in more of this activity. In fact it is distinctly implausible that he wasn`t involved in more of these actions. He was certainly involved in the destruction of Tubber R.I.C. barracks. He was criticised locally at the time for his perceived recklessness for breaking in the door in order to help destroy the empty station. It was feared that the building might have been mined by the retreating R.I.C.24 He also was involved in the guarding of a policeman, a local, who had come home on leave. The purpose of this was to persuade him to resign. This was unsuccessful. This refusal was then, of course, a security risk for the local I.R.A. but, despite this, the policeman wasn`t shot.25 This tactic had been successful in the same area. One policeman named Moran when home on leave went on to join the I.R.A.26 As the conflict escalated the level of violent activity that Volunteers were involved in and was directed at them spiralled. Graduating from previous activities Loughnane went on to take part in the Castledaly ambush near Gort on the 30th October 1920. The I.R.A. was under the command of Tom McInerney. During the Castledaly ambush an R.I.C. patrol consisting of a sergeant and four constables was attacked when it was about half way between Kilchreest and Peterswell. Constable Timothy Horan (60534) was killed and another policeman, Constable Keane, was seriously wounded. Constable Horan was forty years old and married with a young family. He had spent eighteen years in the R.I.C. He was a native of Kerry.27

British Reprisals

By the time of this ambush I.R.A. activity in Galway was being met by serious reprisals by members of the Crown Forces. These included burnings and the targeting of suspected republicans. In the sixteen weeks between the first instances of police reprisals in July 1920 and the reporting of the Castledaly ambush (inclusive) serious reprisals and breaches of discipline amongst Crown Forces in Galway were reported in twelve editions of the Connacht Tribune. The figure was likely to be higher as a result of the fear of what would happen if certain stories were followed too closely, a fear of attracting further negative police attention etc. A couple of days after the Castledaly ambush Mrs. Ellen Quinn, who was seven months pregnant and sitting outside the front of her house with a child on her lap, was shot in Kiltartan. She was shot from a passing police lorry. A messenger sent to fetch a doctor was also shot and wounded. Mrs. Quinn survived long enough to give a statement blaming the police for her death. The police responsible were defended by Sir Hamar Greenwood, the Chief Secretary, in the House of Commons: “it may be that the firing took place in anticipation of an ambush….the police and military had every right to anticipate ambushes and to prevent surprises.” As well as the murder of Ellen Quinn three houses were also burned to the ground near the ambush site as another unofficial reprisal.28

With the release of the Witness Statements collected by the Bureau of Military History in the 1940s and 1950s the possibility of the Loughnanes being betrayed by an informer has arisen or has risen again. This suggestion has come from those statements collected from Clare rather than from Galway. There is no hint in the different statements in Galway as to who the informer was if there was such a person. The fact was that Pat was still sleeping at home, was obviously in touch with people outside of his immediate family to work at the threshing, must have borrowed or hired the threshing machine. He would have been extremely vulnerable to loose or malicious talk. It is also strange that the locating of an informer that had led to the brutal murder of two of its members would not be mentioned to the South Galway I.R.A. or that if it was mentioned that none of the I.R.A. men from South Galway interviewed by the Bureau would see fit to mention it. The man implicated and shot in Clare was an ex-soldier named John Reilly. He was, according to republican sources, a heavy drinker and a man who kept the company of the police. In Seán Murnane`s statement he states that Reilly was shot because he gave information leading to the murder of the Loughnanes but admits that he knew of no evidence against him and did not claim any intimate connection to the case. A local account of Reilly’s fate calims that he passed on information that the Loughnanes were to be home that he gleaned from a conversation with their father but their father seems to have been dead. It is possible this account made a mistake about the relation but that the rest of the story is accurate but it is also possible that the rest of the story is wrong or garbled.30 To be fair to the I.R.A. in East Clare they were far from trigger happy when it came to dealing with suspected informers. Only two were shot during the course of the conflict despite a large number being named as being suspected in a report from the post-truce period in the late summer of 1921.31 It also doesn`t imply a lack of contemporary evidence that the evidence hasn`t survived until the present day. The I.R.A. was a secret army, where much communication would have been carried out orally or where written communication would have been destroyed. The always limited evidence available from republican activists has to be viewed as a mixture of honesty, selective memories, mistakes, dishonesty and admirable discretion. Retrospectively, although the case against John Reilly seems implausible, it can`t be completely ruled out.

Pond where the bodies were found 1920 – note the damaged wall where the RIC lorry hit it when turning after disposing of the bodies.

Before the raid on their farmstead Norah had had a vivid dream of Pat bleeding and battered. Despite being told of this Pat refused to leave. Rather than it being a case of being fool hardy or being lax in terms of his own personal security Pat seems to have been fully aware of the danger he, as an active I.R.A. man, was in. He refused to leave feeling that if he was absent that Harry would be in danger of being ill-treated. He also didn`t want to leave his mother alone.32 He may have felt that if he was absent that the family home would likely be burned but that if he was present that the Crown Forces would be more likely to direct any misbehaviour towards him. This seems possible but will never be known. If it is true it seems likely that his mother being a widow contributed to this decision. The raid itself that captured Pat and Harry occurred during the day. This may or may not be significant. It could have been a case of acting on a tip off and trying to arrest them while it was known where they were. It may also have been a case of raiding during the day on the assumption that as an active I.R.A. man Pat was likely to be sleeping away from home at night. It could also be the case that they just happened to raid at that time. On the day of the raid the Loughnanes were part of a meitheal threshing corn when a group of fourteen or fifteen Auxiliaries raided the farm. Tragically Pat had wanted to take a break but his mother had insisted on continuing with the work and finishing earlier. As a result of the noise of the machine the approach of the Auxiliaries lorry was not heard. Accompanying the Auxiliaries was a policeman, an old R.I.C. man, who had been stationed at Tubber. It was the policeman who picked the Loughnanes out. Pat was the first to be arrested and was taken to his house to get some clothes when he came out of the house his mother noticed that that there was blood on his jaw. They were asked were they Sinn Féiners or Volunteers which they confirmed. As well as taking away Pat and Harry a cousin of their`s named Healy was told to run for it by the Auxiliaries. When he did this they fired on him but he got away unscathed. When Pat was being led away one of the Auxiliaries told him to: “Bring with you the rifle you had at Castledaly.” After the Loughnanes were arrested the lorry then went to Tubber where a man named Carroll was arrested. Carroll was more fortunate than the Loughnanes. He was sent first to a temporary holding camp in Earl`s Island in Galway city. He was then sent on to Ballykinlar internment camp in County Down where he was to remain until just before Christmas 1921. The Loughnanes wouldn`t make it as far as Earl`s Island. They were taken to Gort R.I.C. barracks and taken from there to Drumharsna. Despite the intercession of a member of the R.I.C. named Doherty the Loughnanes were badly beaten while in custody. The Loughnane family were told that Harry and Pat had escaped out of the Auxiliary post at Drumharsna Castle along with other prisoners As part of this cover up the Loughnanes home was raided in order to search for the missing men. Despite the claims of the Auxiliaries eyewitnesses reported seeing men covered in blood stretched behind a lorry. It seems that they were made to run behind the lorry until they dropped and were then dragged. The bodies were partially burned and then dumped in a pond at Owenbristy near Ardrahan. The bodies of the Loughnanes were found on the 5th December. A cousin of the Loughnanes, Michael “Tully” Loughnane saw this in a dream. He saw Harry in a place that he recognised. Search parties had been out since it had been claimed that they had escaped. “Tully” and another man Michael O`Halloran went to the pond and found the remains. Accounts of their injuries vary with the more severe accounts of their injuries being recorded years later than at the time. While it is possible that with the passing of time that the damage done to the bodies became exaggerated in peoples minds. It is also possible that the extent of the injuries was underplayed at the time out of consideration for Mrs. Loughnane. Michael “Tully” Loughnane who found the bodies did describe Pat as so “battered, bruised and beaten that his face was not recognisable.” Which is severe enough but he downplayed the damage of the fire and claimed that Harry was recognisable and wasn`t as badly disfigured as Pat. The photographs of both bodies clearly show that there was no way that Harry was recognisable. The doctor who gave evidence also confirmed that the bodies were unrecognisable. He gave the cause of death as “laceration of the skull and the brain.” He also described the flesh hanging of the body of Pat and an injury to Harry`s arm.He described severe damage to their skull. Greaney alleged in his article that the letters IV were carved into the body and that Pats wrists and legs were broken.33Another account states that Harry had lost two fingers, his right arm was broken and almost torn away from his body, nothing was left of his face except his chin and his lips. Pat was described as having diamond shaped carvings on his ribs and chest. Both of his arms were broken, his skull was fractured. 34 Regardless of the specific injuries that they received the truth of the matter is that the Loughnanes were very brutally treated. Few atrocities of either the War of Independence or later the Civil War come close to matching the murders in terms of their sheer brutality.

Harry Loughnane’s body

After their discovery the bodies of the Loughnanes were moved to Dungora near Kinvara. There they were waked in a shed. The shed was owned by a republican family named Hynes. Two of this family, Michael and Willie,  were active in the I.R.A.35 The Hynes family home had recently been burned.36 Photographs were taken of the bodies in their coffins. They are harrowing and are not easily forgotten. Not forgotten easily either are the horrified faces of the people around the coffins. The atmosphere in the shed while the bodies were being waked can only be guessed at. It was claimed afterwards that blood flowed from the wounds of the Loughnanes when they were taken out of the water, while they were being taken to be waked and while they were actually being waked.37 The bodies were then transferred to their home church of St. Anne`s, Shanaglish. There the coffins were draped with the tricolour and had the words I.R.A. on them. While the coffins were in the church there was a raid by two R.I.C. men, two Auxiliaries and two soldiers in the presence of a doctor. They opened the coffins and examined the bodies. The funeral took place. A two hundred yard long crowd followed the coffins to the local graveyard two hundred yards from the church. Three volleys of shots were fired over the graves.38After the funerals a Military Inquiry was held in lieu of an inquest into the deaths of the Loughnanes. Mrs. Loughnane requested an adjournment until the family had employed a solicitor but this was refused. Apart from establishing an approximate time of death, about a week before the doctor examined them on December 7th the rest of the inquiry was an exercise in confirming the official version of their deaths in that they had escaped from the Auxiliary post in Ardrahan.39 Not surprisingly the Crown Forces never admitted their responsibility for the Loughnane murders.

Memorial to IRA Volunteers Patrick and Henry Loughnane, Shanaglish Gort, Co. Galway

The killings of Pat and Harry Loughnane were so vicious that it is hard to dismiss some sort of personal motive and Ó Fathaigh and McInerney may well be right to link their deaths with the killing of John Carr in the summer of 1919. It is also possible that the killing of the Loughnanes were the result of the actions of a sadist who was later transferred, dismissed, resigned or came under control and there may be no personal motive connected to the killings at all. There were elements of the Loughnane killings in other killings carried out by the Crown Forces in County Galway. In the killing of Father Michael Griffin his body was buried secretly.40 In the case of the killing of I.R.A. commandant Louis Darcy by Auxiliaries in March 1921 he was also dragged behind a lorry.41 I.R.A. commandant Michael Moran was tortured before being killed at Earl`s Island.42

The killing of the Loughnanes was the only incident where all three elements were combined: severe ill-treatment in custody, dragging behind a lorry and the attempted disposal of the remains in order to cover up the crime. The fact that all elements were present makes these killings unique in a Galway context. The clumsy effort to dispose of the bodies may have been a protective measure to in order to protect the killers from internal discipline or from possible I.R.A. revenge attacks. Whatever the motives of the killers they were responsible for one of the most controversial incidents of County Galway during the entire revolutionary period 1916-1923.

The Men Will Talk To Me – Galway Interviews by Ernie O’Malley. Edited by Cormac Ó Comhraí is now available from www,mercierpress.ie

[1] This article is based on archival material held in NUI Galway, in UCD, in the Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks Dublin, Galway County Council Archives, in the National Archives, London and also online at www.irishnewsarchive.com. I`d like to thank the staff of all of the above institutions for all their help during my research.

[2] O`Malley Notebooks (P17b/136.) (O`Malley UCD Archives)

[3] She was to live for another twenty five years dying in November 1936 (Irish Independent 13 November 1936).

[4] 1911 Census (Available online at www.census.nationalarchives.ie), Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920.

[5] Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920, 15 October 1921.

[6] Connacht Tribune 1 December 1923.

[7] Connacht Tribune 20, 27 September 1919; Norah Loughnane P17b/136 (O`Malley Notebooks (UCD Archives)).

[8]O`Mahoney, S., Frongoch: University of Revolution (Dublin 1987), p. 196-204.

[9] Connacht Tribune 1 December 1923.

[10] Connacht Tribune 12 May 1917.

[11] Eds. McNamara, M. and Madden, M., Beagh: a History (Beagh Integrated Rural Development Association 1995), p. 114.

[12] South Galway Roll of Honour P69/166 (Twomey Papers UCD Archives)

[13] Greaney, B., “Days of Terror in South Galway” in Vexilla Regis: Maynooth Layman`s Annual 1954-55, ps 85-98, p. 88 (Pol 4/7 Papers relating to the Deaths of H and P. Loughnane. (NationalUniversity of Ireland, Galway).

[14] Pol 4/4 Papers relating to the Deaths of H and P. Loughnane. (National University of Ireland,Galway), Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920.

[15] Galway Observer 4 January 1919.

[16] County Inspector`s Report Galway West Riding August 1919 (CO 904/109). The originals of these documents are held in the National Archives, London. This series is available on microfilm and can be seen in NUI Galway.

[17] Connacht Tribune 3 May, 31 May, 7 June, 18 October, 1 November, 22 November, 20 December 1919.

[18] County Inspector`s Report Galway West Riding July 1919 (CO 904/109).

[19] Galway Observer 12 and 26 July 1919, Connacht Tribune 19 July 1919.

[20] Daniel Ryan WS 1007, p. 25. (Bureau of Military History, Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Dublin)

[21] McMahan, T.G., Pádraig Ó Fathaigh`s War of Independence: Recollections of a Galway Gaelic Leaguer (Cork 2000), p.64.

[22] Compensation Claims July 1920 CO 904/45.

[23] Thomas McInerney WS 1150, p.9 (BMH Military Archives).

[24] Eds. McNamara, M. and Madden, M., Beagh: a History, p. 114.

[25] Patrick Glynn WS 1033, p 10-11 (BMH Military Archives).

[26] Daniel Ryan WS 1007, p.5. (BMH Military Archives)

[27] Patrick Glynn WS 1033, p 10-11 (BMH Military Archives); Abbott, R., Police Casualties in Ireland1919-1922 (Mercier Press Cork, Dublin 2000), p. 139.

[28] Connacht Tribune 6, 13 November 1920, Irish Independent 5 November 1920,Compensation Claims October 1920 (CO 904/45).

[29] Irish Bulletin w/e 27 November 1920.

[30] Seán Murnane WS 1048, p.18 (BMH Military Archives), also “Spies and Informers in Clare during the War of Independence” :A Talk given by Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc 10 November 2009 in Ennistymon, Co. Clare. Thanks to Pádraig Óg Ó Ruairc for these references.

[31]County Inspector`s Report October 1920 (CO 904/113), April 1921 (CO 904/115), E. Clare Intelligence Report (P7a/15) (UCD Archives)

[32] “Memories of November 1920” by Norah Loughnane (Pol 4/11) (NUI Galway).

[33] Memories of November 1920 by Norah Loughnane (Pol 4/11).; Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920, 15 October 1921; 17 December 1921; Greaney, op. cit., p 90-97, Prisoners Statements P80/136 (Desmond Fitzgerald Papers UCD Archives).

[34] Pol 4/4 Papers relating to the Deaths of H and P. Loughnane. (National University of Ireland,Galway).

[35] Michael Hynes WS 1173, p.8 (BMH Military Archives).

[36] Irish Bulletin w/e 4 December 1920.

[37] Pol 4/4 Papers relating to the Deaths of H and P. Loughnane. (National University of Ireland,Galway), Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920.

[38] Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920.

[39] Connacht Tribune 11 December 1920; 15 October 1921.

[40] Connacht Tribune 27 November 1920.

[41] Louis Darcy Court of Inquiry in lieu of Inquest (WO 35/148) (National Archives, London); Plunkett Dillon, G. All in the Blood (Dublin 2006), p. 303.

[42] John D. Costello WS 1330, p.7 (BMH Military Archives).

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Liam (William Joseph) Mellows ( 25 May 1895 – 8 December 1922 )

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Liam (William Joseph) Mellows (25 May 1895 – 8 December 1922

Was an Irish republican and Sinn Féin politician. Born in England, Mellows grew up in County Wexford

Mellows was born in Manchester, England, to William Joseph Mellows, a British Army non-commissioned officer, and Sarah Jordan, of Inch, County Wexford, where he grew up. His family moved to Fairview, Dublin, in February 1895 when Sergeant Mellows was transferred there; however, Liam remained in Wexford with his grandfather Patrick Jordan due to ill health. He attended the military school in Wellington Barracks in Cork and the Portobello garrison school in Dublin, but ultimately refused a military career much to his father’s disappointment, instead working as a clerk in several Dublin firms. A nationalist from an early age, Mellows approached Thomas Clarke, who recruited him to Fianna Éireann, an organisation of young republicans. Mellows was introduced to socialism when he met James Connolly at Countess Markievicz’s residence, recuperating after his hunger strike. Connolly was deeply impressed and told his daughter Nora ‘I have found a real man’. He was active in the IRB and was a founder member of the Irish Volunteers, being brought onto its Organising Committee to strengthen the Fianna representation. He was arrested and jailed on several occasions under the Defence of the Realm Act. Eventually escaping from Reading Jail he returned to Ireland to command the “Western Division” (forces operating in the West of Ireland) of the IRA during the Easter Rising of 1916. He led roughly 700 Volunteers in abortive attacks on Royal Irish Constabulary stations at Oranmore, and Clarinbridge in county Galway and took over the town of Athenry. However, his men were very badly armed and supplied and they dispersed after a week, when British troops and the cruiser Gloucester were sent west to attack them.

After this insurrection failed, Mellows escaped to the United States, where he was arrested and detained without trial in the “Tombs” prison, New York, on a charge of attempting to aid the German side in the First World War. This was in the context of incidents like the Black Tom and Kingsland explosions where German agents had bombed neutral American ports and industrial facilities.

After his release in 1918, he worked with John Devoy and helped to organise Éamon de Valera’s fund raising visit to America in 1919–1920. He returned to Ireland to become Irish Republican Army “Director of Supplies” during the Irish War of Independence, responsible for buying arms. At the 1918 general election, he was elected to the First Dáil as a Sinn Féin candidate for both Galway East and for North Meath.(According to United Kingdom law, these were Westminster constituencies but Sinn Féin did not recognise them as such, but rather took them as de facto Dáil Éireann constituencies).

Opponent of the Treaty

He considered the Anglo-Irish Treaty as signed to be a betrayal of the Irish Republic, saying, in the Treaty Debates of 1921–22:

“ We do not seek to make this country a materially great country at the expense of its honour in any way whatsoever. We would rather have this country poor and indigent, we would rather have the people of Ireland eking out a poor existence on the soil; as long as they possessed their souls, their minds, and their honour. This fight has been for something more than the fleshpots of Empire. ”

A conference of 9 TDs was deputed to meet privately on 5 January 1922 to resolve the dispute and to achieve a unified front by compromise. The four other anti-Treaty TDs said there was agreement but Mellows did not, and was seen thereafter by pro-Treaty TDs as one of their most implacable opponents. The following day the Dáil voted to approve the Treaty by a majority of 64 to 57. Details on the private conference and the private Dáil session debate were not made public until the 1970s.

He wrote a social programme based on the Dáil’s Democratic Programme of 1919 aimed at winning popular support for the anti-Treaty cause.

Civil war

Mellows was one of the more strident TDs on the approach to the Irish Civil War. On 28 April 1922 he told the Dáil:

“There would no question of civil war here now were it not for the undermining of the Republic. The Republic has been deserted by those who state they still intend to work for a Republic. The Volunteers can have very little faith at this moment in the Government that assembles here, because all they can see in it is a chameleon Government. One moment, when they look at it, it is the green, white and orange of the Republic, and at another moment, when they look at it, it is the red, white and blue of the British Empire. We in the Army, who have taken this step, have been termed “mutineers,” “irregulars,” and so forth. We are not mutineers, because we have remained loyal to our trust. We are not mutineers except against the British Government in this country. We may be “irregular” in the sense that funds are not forthcoming to maintain us, but we were always like that and it is no disgrace to be called “irregulars” in that sense. We are not wild people.”

In June 1922, he and fellow republicans Rory O’Connor, Joe McKelvey and Richard Barrett, (among others) entered the Four Courts, which had been occupied by anti-Treaty forces since April. However, they were bombarded by pro-Treaty Free State forces and surrendered after two days. Mellows had a chance to escape along with Ernie O’Malley, but did not take it. (See also Battle of Dublin).

Imprisoned in Mountjoy Gaol, Mellows, O’Connor, McKelvey and Barrett were executed by firing squad on 8 December 1922, in reprisal for the shooting of TD Seán Hales. (see Executions during the Irish Civil War)

Commemoration

Mellows is commemorated by statues in Eyre Square in Galway, in the official name of the Irish Defence Forces army barracks at Renmore (Dún Úi Maoilíosa) and in the naming of Mellows Bridge in Dublin. He is also commemorated in the names of two hurling clubs (one in Galway, and one in Wexford), and by Unidare RFC in Ballymun and their “Liam Mellows Perpetual Cup”.

Mellows is buried in Castletown cemetery, County Wexford, a few miles from Arklow. An annual commemoration ceremony is held at his grave site, in which a wreath is laid by a member of the Liam Mellows Commemoration committee. “Mellows Avenue” in Arklow is named in his honour, as is “Liam Mellows Street” in Tuam, County Galway.

THATCHER STREET OR BOBBY SANDS STREET ? PARIS POLITICIANS DIVIDED !

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Thatcher Street or Bobby Sands Street? Paris Politations Divided.

http://en.europeonline-magazine.eu/thatcher-street-or-bobby-sands-street-paris-politicians-divided_275366.html?

Europe11.04.2013

By our dpa-correspondent and Europe Online

Paris (dpa) – A proposal to rename a Paris street after late British prime minister Margaret Thatcher has divided politicians in the French capital, Le Figaro newspaper reported Thursday.

One opponent suggested that Bobby Sands, an IRA hunger striker who died defying her, should be honoured instead.

The proposal to honour the “Iron Lady“, who regularly jousted with French leaders whether they were from the Left or the Right, came from a member of the centre-right Union for a Popular Movement (UMP).

Following the announcement of Thatcher‘s death on Monday, UMP councillor Jerome Dubus said he would submit a proposal for a street or square to be named after her, as a “a small gesture for a great lady”.

His proposal drew contempt from leftist politicians.

The leader of the Communist group in the city council, Ian Brossat, who declared that Thatcher‘s “ultra-liberalism” had an “appalling impact on the state and the working class”.

Brossat said his group would submit a counterproposal – to name a street after Bobby Sands, “who died for defending the right of people to self-determination”.

Sands was the first of 10 IRA prisoners, who died on hunger strike in Belfast in 1981 over Thatcher‘s refusal to grant political status to republican inmates.

During the course of his hunger strike, Sands was elected to the House of Commons.

A Socialist Party councillor had yet another idea. “Dumbfounded” by the proposal for a Thatcher street, Christophe Gerard tweeted: “I will present a wish for a Shakespeare street.”

The proposals are expected to be debated at the next session of the Paris council on April 22. dpa cfb ar Author: Clare Byrne

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SHOULD THE BEEB PLAY IT ? CORPORATION EMBROILED IN DILEMMA OVER WHETHER TO AIR ” THE WITCH IS DEAD ” !

563166_362280987225584_199119441_nThe BBC is coming under increasing pressure to say wheither it will play a song pushed into the charts celebratiing the death of Margaret Thatcher.

Corporation bosses say they have not yet decided whether to play Ding Dong The Witch Is Dead if anti-Thatcher protesters manage to get the song into Sunday’s singles chart.

But they insisted the charts were a “historical and factual” account of what music was being bought.

The Wizard of Oz track, sung by Judy Garland, is on course for a top five place after selling 20,000 copies since her death on Monday.

Veteran broadcaster Paul Gambaccini said it had to be played, because the charts are “the news in a musical sense” and that no explanation should be needed as to why the song was charting.

@jreedmp

Jamie Reed

Ding Dong in poor taste. Difficult for the BBC? Surely it has to play it? Shades of Reith and the General Strike if it censors? Difficult.

April 11, 2013 9:19 am via Twitter for iPad Reply Retweet Favorite

Wake up Maggie

But Tory MP John Whittingdale, Thatcher’s former political secretary and chairman of the Commons Culture, Media and Sport committee, said it could present a “difficult” dilemma for the BBC.

Quick Poll

Should the BBC play Ding Dong The Witch Is Dead if it makes it into the charts?

Yes 62.89%

No 37.11%

Share your vote on Facebook so your friends can take this poll

Whittingdale told The Huffington Post UK: “I very much hope the issue will not arise, in that I would be very saddened if a song which will be being promoted on the basis of celebrating the death of Margaret Thatcher should achieve success that would be sufficient to put it into the charts.

@GuidoFawkes

Guido Fawkes

Not a complicated editorial decision process for the BBC. “We are not going to play a song to celebrate the death of an 87 year-old woman.”

April 11, 2013 1:18 pm via TweetDeck Reply Retweet Favorite

“I think it would be difficult if that were the case, but I hope we’re talking about an academic issue, not an actual one.”

But another Tory MP, Rob Wilson, said Thatcher would not have wanted to censor the “nasty idiots” behind the campaign.

@RobWilson_RDG

Rob Wilson

While unpleasant, #BBC right to play leftie-hate song reMrsT. She didn’t free millions of pple in order to censor a tiny no. of nasty idiots

April 11, 2013 2:32 pm via Twitter for iPhone Reply Retweet Favorite

Gambaccini, who presented the US chart on BBC Radio 1 for 18 years, said: “There is no reason not to play it.

“The whole basis of the Sunday chart show is that it is the pop music equivalent of the news. You don’t have to introduce every song with enthusiasm, you just play them.”

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“I think the majority of other music stations won’t mention it at all, but in the case of a public-funded entity such as the BBC, they should play it on the chart rundown.”

A BBC Radio 1 spokesman said: “The Official Chart Show on Sunday is a historical and factual account of what the British public has been buying and we will make a decision about playing it when the final chart positions are clear.”

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Margaret Thatcher – General Election

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher leaving 10 Downing Street after the Conservative Party won a convincing majority in the General Election.

Denis and Margaret Thatcher

Baroness Margaret Thatcher reunited with her husband Sir Denis Thatcher, this afternoon when he returned home after spending the last few weeks recovering from his six-hour coronary by-pass operation. * Sir Denis the husband of former Conservative Prime Minister Baroness Thatcher, who is 87-years-old, said he was looking forward to a relaxing weekend in their home in Belgravia, West London. 15/6/03: His family said that the 88-year-old had been readmitted to the Royal Brompton Hospital in London for tests following major heart surgery in January. *30/10/03: Baroness Thatcher will be joined by her twin children, Carol and Mark, at a memorial service to pay tribute to her late husband, Sir Denis Thatcher. Sir Denis died in June, aged 88 having undergone major heart surgery six months earlier from which it appeared he had made a good recovery.

141666717

David Montgomery/Getty Images)British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, circa 1985. (Photo by David Montgomery/Getty Images) (Photo by David Montgomery/Getty Images)

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Thatcher and David Cameron meet for dinner

Baroness Thatcher and Conservative leader David Cameron meet for dinner at the Goring Hotel in Victoria, south-west London.

Order of the Garter ceremony

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Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher with Welsh Secretary Peter Walker at Clydach Vale in Rhondda Valley, where she saw derelict land being reclaimed as part of a factory development.

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Margaret Thatcher Lays Flowers at Bradford City Fire Site

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Thatcher and the Red Army Dancers.

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Politics – Thatcher Wedding Day – 1951

Unsuccessful Conservative candidate for Dartford, Margaret Roberts, 26, at her wedding to 36-year-old Denis Thatcher at Wesley’s Chapel, in London.

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Prime Minister, Edward Heath sports a smile which lasted during a three-minute ovation he received at the opening of the annual Conservative conference at the Winter Gardens. Sharing the platform with him is Margaret Thatcher, Secretary for Education and Science.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher – 1975

Margaret Thatcher, Conservative MP, receives a kiss from her husband Denis.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher – 1975

Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher, at working her office at the House of Commons.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher – 1975

Conservative MP Margaret Thatcher, 49, in her Chelsea home kitchen, before making her challenge for the Conservative Party leadership and a place in political history.

Politics – Thatcher and Reagan – 1975

Former California Governor Ronald Reagan presenting a silver dollar medallion to Opposition Leader Margaret Thatcher when he visited her in her House of Commons office.

Politics – Conservative Local Government Conference – 1979

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Politics – Margaret Thatcher – Shadow Education Secretary – 1969

Margaret Thatcher, spokesperson on Education in the Conservative Shadow Cabinet, at the Houses of Parliament.

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Politics – Margaret Thatcher – Chelsea, London

Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher in a jubilant mood outside her Chelsea home, after Tory victories in by-elections at two former Labour strongholds – Workington and Walsall North.

Silver wedding anniversary.

Margaret and Denis Thatcher with their children, Mark and Carol, at their Chelsea home on the day of their silver wedding anniversary.

Margaret Thatcher’s papers

File photo dated 26/4/1982 of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Wide divisions within the Conservative party over how the Government should respond to Argentina’s invasion of the Falklands are revealed today as Margaret Thatcher’s 1982 private papers are made public.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher – Vacuum Interrupters Ltd – 1981

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher wears protective clothing as she tours the premises of Vacuum Interrupters Ltd.

Politics – General Election 1979

Margaret Thatcher waves from the doorstep of Number 10 Downing Street in Whitehall, London, on the day of the General Election.

Politics – General Election 1979

Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher in a thoughtful mood when she hosted her party’s press conference in London, as the 1979 General Election campaign entered its final week.

Politics – First Female Prime Minister – Downing Street – 1979

Britain’s first women Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher arrives at no.10 Downing Street to take up office following the Conservative victory in the general election.

Politics – Conservative Party Conference – Blackpool – 1979

A jubilant Margaret Thatcher acknowledging the standing ovation after her speech on the final day of the Conservative Party Conference at the Winter Gardens in Blackpool.

Thatcher Falkland Island surrender talks

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher facing an enthusiastic reception from well-wishers outside No 10 Downing Street, in London, on her return from the Commons, where she told MPs talks on a surrender by Argentina of the Falkland Islands were in progress.

Margaret Thatcher in garland.

Margaret Thatcher addressing a crowd at Stoneleigh near Coventry wearing a garland presented to her by an Asian constituent.

Politics – General Election 1983

Margaret Thatcher with her husband Denis greets supporters at a rally in Fleetwood during her campaign visit of the North West.

Politics – Conservative Party Conference – Blackpool – 1977

Conservative party leader Margaret Thatcher with 16 year old Rother Valley schoolboy, William Hague, after he received a standing ovation from delegates at the Conservative Party conference in Blackpool.

Margaret Thatcher won a landslide victory

10th JUNE: On this day in 1983 Margaret Thatcher won a landslide victory to start her second term of power. The window of success frames the jubilant Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher waving to well-wishers after her election win. At Tory Party headquarters, she told flag-waving supporters “My victory is greater than I had dared to hope”.

Politics – Thatcher and Tongan king – 1983

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher looks pensive as she awaits the arrival of King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV of Tonga at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London.

Politics – General Election 1983

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher returning to 10 Downing Street after winning the election. Instead of entering her official residence, she insisted on walking to the end of the street and the corner of Whitehall to shake hands with well-wishers.

Politics – Reagan and Thatcher – 1984

Ronald Reagan has a word in the ear of Margaret Thatcher on the day that Thatcher becomes the longest-serving Prime Minister in the 20th century.

Politics – Thatcher and Reagan – 1984

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, left, with American President Ronald Reagan and his wife Nancy.

Politics – Channel Tunnel Agreement – Canterbury Cathedral – 1986

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher with French President Francois Mitterrand at the Chapter House, Canterbury Cathedral, when the Channel Fixed Link Treaty was signed by the foreign secretaries.

Politics – General Election 1987

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher gives a three-fingered salute outside 10 Downing Street as she begins her third successive term of office following the Conservative victory in the general election.

Margaret Thatcher and Francois Mitterand – Channel Tunnel

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and French President Francois Mitterand at Canterbury Cathedral for the signing of the Channel Fixed Link Treaty.

Politics – Economic Summit Banquet – London

Left to right: Queen Elizabeth II, American President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at Buckingham Palace when they attended a special banquet hosted by the Queen following the London Economic Summit.

Politics – 250th Anniversary of the Prime Minister’s office – Downing Street, London

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher is joined by Queen Elizabeth II and five former PMs at 10 Downing Street, London, as she hosts a dinner celebrating the 250th anniversary of the residence becoming the London home of Prime Ministers. (L-R) James Callaghan, Lord Home, Thatcher, Lord Stockton, the Queen, Lord Wilson and Edward Heath.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher – Victory Ball – 1987

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and her husband Denis lead off the dancing during the Victory Ball at the Empress Hall, Blackpool.

Politics – Margaret Thatcher 10 Years in Power – Downing Street, London

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and her husband Denis on the doorstep of 10 Downing Street, London, ten years after they moved in, following the 1979 general election.

Politics – Thatcher and Family – Downing Street – 1989

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher outside 10 Downing Street, in London, with her son Mark, daughter-in-law Diane, and two-month-old grandson Michael.

SEE ALSO:

Margaret Thatcher Dies Aged 87 Following A Stroke (LIFE IN PICTURES)

‘The Iron Lady’ Remembered In TV And Film

First Female Prime Minister ‘Transformed A Nation’

Falkland Islands Marked Former PM’s Greatest Trauma

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Recency  |  PopularityPage: 1 2 3  Next ›  Last »  (3 total)

majp111

0 Fans

3 minutes ago (18:48)

This is the woman who stood idly by and watched the police cover up for Hillsborough, she allowed mounted police to GALLOP into miners’ picket lines and then jeer at striking miners, saying ‘it’s all overtime pay for us’, introduced the poll-tax (the so-called community charge), sowed the seeds for the greed of bankers that led to the credit crunch and gambling with OUR money, had Labour Councillors surcharged for standing up to her, but did little to stop Tory Dame Shirley Porter vote-rigging in Westminster – and now Thatcher’s no more. Ding Dong indeed!

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Paul Ardron

When the going gets weird, the weird turn pro

20 Fans

3 minutes ago (18:47)

The chart is supposed to be democratic, the people decide by buying, what they want to hear in/on it…….what’s the problem ?

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realtruthwillout

4 Fans

5 minutes ago (18:46)

It wouldn’t surprise me if it were to be lost in censorship. The Huff and the BBC have steadfastly reduced the avalanche of anti-Thatcher postings to a comparative trickle ever since she died. The BBC have even refused to allow comments on the vast majority of Thatcher articles. She would have been so please to see Pinochet’s lead that she tried to emulate now bearing fruit.

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Neil Dunford

50 Fans

6 minutes ago (18:45)

Tell you what – if the BBC don’t want to play that, why not opted for The Keiser Chief’s “I predict a riot” – which’ll probably be a good substitute, as it can be used as the soundtrack to Thatcher’s Funeral.

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piran

104 Fans

8 minutes ago (18:43)

If they don’t play it, because it is offensive to Maggie, the beeb will be admitting Maggie was a witch!

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HUFFPOST SUPER USER

rrozy2222

do as you would be done by

73 Fans

9 minutes ago (18:42)

My god what an age we are now living in!!!

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Ayles

0 Fans

9 minutes ago (18:42)

I hardly think Mr Gambaccini is in any position to comment, thought he was in prison!

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Paul Whitaker

9 Fans

10 minutes ago (18:41)

If they don’t air it then we are no better than North Korea.

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AlSco123

115 Fans

14 minutes ago (18:37)

Maybe they can just arrest people before they listen to it. Fascism seems to be the Tory policy now.

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Jacobtruth

80 Fans

17 minutes ago (18:34)

I am sure the BBC will dedicate a full evening to the song and their propaganda of hatred towards Thatcher and democracy.

The problem is Thatcher haters define themselves with this hatred, often Blaming Thatcher for policies either she did not do or were done by Labour.

Yet still the British people never turned their back on Thatcher.

Thatcher was elected by working people, Labour from 1979 to 1997 were never supported by working people.

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AlSco123

115 Fans

11 minutes ago (18:40)

Have a word. The Tory are the part suggest pre-emptive arrests of “known” trouble makers. Welcome to the Soviet Kingdom.

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Jacobtruth

80 Fans

10 minutes ago (18:41)

Labour held people without trial, lied about WMD, and ruined manufacturing in the 70;s with unions.

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piran

104 Fans

18 minutes ago (18:33)

@robwilson_RDG

Strange you think you have the right to make nasty comments to people, but don’t like it when they do the same to your lovie! Bloody Hypocrit!

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diaryofanobody

I am a lover of life, learning, politics, philosph

93 Fans

19 minutes ago (18:32)

If the song is the original version – the Judy Garland one – and bears no direct wording or visuals relating to Mrs. T, then I, for one, can’t see why broadcasting should be stopped.

Only the timing would constitute a link and the publicity generated by those promoting the song.

As a Free Marketeer, surely, the market rules and the market is right?

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Arkleson

83 Fans

22 minutes ago (18:29)

It’s a stupid song, so only on BBC Radio 1.

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Nathan0316

TrueBlueTory Age quod agis

492 Fans

23 minutes ago (18:28)

Even as a die-hard, TrueBlue Tory i would say that they have to play it. If people are buying the song they are choosing to spend their money in the way they see fit. As Maggie was absolutely in favour of free enterprise, capitalism and personal choice as well as totally against censorship she would have been the first to demand they played it.

Besides, we’ve already seen that the “celebrations” of her death have damaged left-wing politicians and Trade Unionists so I say let them have their fun, when it comes to election time we Tories can legitimately say “Do you really want to vote for people who celebrated the death of someone’s mother?”