Car park murder victim becomes another victim to the ongoing loyalist feud was a member of SEA UDA

The man shot dead in front of his son in a supermarket car park in County Down on Sunday has been named locally as Colin Horner (pictured below).

South East Antrim UDA feud victim Colin Horner.

Colin Horner paid the same price for badmouthing his one-time UDA god-fathers as his own former South East Antrim UDA boss Geordie Gilmore.

Geordie Gilmore

He was living just across Belfast Lough in Bangor, where he was gunned down in a retail mall car park in front of young kids in broad daylight yesterday afternoon.

The car park where the assassination took place.

James Colin Honer, 35, was holding his three-year-old boy in his arms as the gunman opened fire, he was unmasked.

Sainsbury’s employee Robson McCracken told the Belfast Telegraph: “A car drew up and shot a man in the car park, just outside the store. There was panic in the store, with trolleys abandoned everywhere. “First aiders from Sainsbury’s kept the victim alive until the ambulance team arrived,” he said.

Sources say some of those very close to pointing the finger at and identifying those who carried out the murder of Gilmore. Meantime, the catalogue of loyalist gangs internal feud escalate. Just last August former UDA heavy John ‘Bonzer’ Borland was the victim of a point-blank assassination.

Boreland and fellow convicted criminal Andre “The Bookie’s Brigadier’ Shoukri were both kicked out of the mainstream UDA and were taken under the wing of the SEA Brigade, who had already split from the loyalist terror gang’s so-called ‘inner council’!

But the fact remains that the file of ‘get-away-with-it’ loyalist feud continues to grow, and the RUC/PSNI have still not charged anyone on the ‘loyalist feud’ with any paramilitary offences including membership of an illegal organistion? When this is quite the opposite on the republican side (political policing) comes to mind.

Meanwhile, the murders continue to grow, dating back to the UVF killing of Bobby Moffett on Belfast’s Shankill Road in May, 2010, and before that the shooting dead of UDA godfather Jim ‘Doris Day’ Gray in East Belfast in October 2005, among other blatant killings that are still on the books and still not solved.

 

You do not have to have the Bloody Butcher’s apron on your profile in order to show support for Manchester !

It is the same vile bloodstaIned rag today that it always has been and always will be.

My friends: Please take this insulting symbol off your page; in memory of all those murdered and tortured under this filthy rag DO NOT DISPLAY IT….this EVIL symbol has no place on Irish Republican pages!!!

  • with many thanks to: Cara O’Shay

Loyalist named in Ludlow murder inquiry admits: “I was there but I didn’t Kill Him”!!

The Belfast Telegraph, 5 November 2005:

Loyalist named in Ludlow murder inquiry admits:

I Was There But I Didn’t Kill Him
By Michael McHugh 
A FORMER loyalist, named during an Irish judicial

investigation into the murder of an innocent County Louth man, has dramatically admitted he was present when the victim was killed.
But Paul Hosking, from County Down, has vigorously

protested his innocence of any involvement in the murder of Seamus Ludlow in May 1976.
“These boys came down to the bar I was drinking in; I was in the UDA at the time,” Hosking said yesterday.
“We all went out for a drink and then we took a drive. I

was in the car and we picked up this guy.”
He added: “The guy got out of the car to go to the toilet

and he was shot.”
The Irish Justice Committee is to investigate further 

issues arising from an explosive report from Mr Justice

Henry Barron, which was published on Thursday.
His report, which is privileged in law, named four men

alleged to have been in the car which picked up Mr Ludlow on the night of his death.
The Belfast Telegraph, 5 November 2005:
Ludlow Murder Witness Battles To Clear His Name
A FORMER loyalist linked with the murder of a Co Louth man has moved to clear his name despite admitting witnessing the shooting.
Paul Hosking from Co Down has vigorously protested his innocence of any involvement in the murder of Seamus Ludlow in May 1976, and claimed he and his family have been victimised over the incident.
The Irish Justice Committee is to investigate further issues arising from a landmark report on the killing from Mr Justice Henry Barron, which was published on Thursday.
His report, which is privileged in law, named four men alleged to have been in the car which picked up Mr Ludlow on the night of his death.
Speaking from his home in Newtownards, Mr Hosking told the Belfast Telegraph last night: “These boys came down to the bar I was drinking in. I was in the UDA at the time.
“We all went out for a drink and then we took a drive. I was in the car and we picked up this guy. The guy got out of the car to go to the toilet and he was shot.”
Mr Ludlow was collected in the car in the centre of Dundalk and shot and his body dumped close to his Thistle Cross home north of the town.
The Barron Report described Mr Ludlow as the innocent victim of a “random sectarian killing of a blameless Catholic civilian”.
Mr Hosking has been interviewed twice by RUC detectives, in 1986 and 1998, but has never been charged with any offence.
The loyalist said he was tired of having the finger of blame pointed at him and added that he may make a submission to the Irish Justice Committee, which will consider the report in January.
“This has been going on for years and I am fed up with it,” he said. “I feel like I am the victim, it is awful for my family and they have gone through hell.”

With many thanks to: Justice for Seamus Ludlow…

In memory of all the children murdered by Britain in Ireland R.I.P.

Too many to name….

And one was too many….

The depraved crimes of Britian and for shame on any city council’s such as Derry for actually INVITING the odious Commander in Chief of The Murderous Paras, Charles Windsor to visit!
I would have loved a happy accident to occur that day so that hun blood stained the streets of Derry for once.
What a disgrace!!!
Jesus wept!!!!A Note From the publisher, I have researched and included all of the Teenagers and children murdered by the British Army during the period which has become known as the ‘Troubles’. Please if I have missed any of the children who lost their lives I sincerly appoligise to all and everyone concerned. It was not done intensonal or to offend anyone I just wish for the victims to have their voice. The information contained in this blog can be changed or re-edited at anytine names and places can be changed. Please don’t hesatate to contact me if I have not included your loved ones but also keep in mind this piece was written only to give the children of the ‘Trouble’s’ a voice. Thankyou and may their souls “Rest in Peace”.

Remember the children, the forgotten voices of the ‘Trouble’s’ in the North of Ireland ! They don’t have a voice only us “who remember them”
Plastic Bullets “Kill” the evidence speaks for itself..
Michael Norman, (apparently committed sucicide) May 2005, his body was found in a parked car in London with gunshots to his stomach!! A very unusal way to commit sucicide puting the gun to your head would have been less painful.

In May 2005, Michael Norman, a former Coldstream Guardsman, a special British Army unit which is very highly trained and alleniged very closely with the British Royal family, and also a member of the Special Air Service (SAS), tropper, was found shot in the stomach in his car in London, with photographs of certain incidents he had been involved. He later told colleagues at Sandhurst, where he was an instructer, that he was on an IRA hit list. His ex-wife said that she did not beleive Norman committed suicide, although she added that he never told her that he was on an IRA [hit] list.

Photo of him accepting his certificate after passing his exam and being accepted into the Special Air Service (SAS) close to the begaining of his post to the North of Ireland.

https://saoirse32.wordpress.com/2005/05/08/sniper-mike-norman-suicide/

MICHAEL NORMAN.

Michael, was a member of the Coldstream Guards, in England they are called (Coldstream Gaurdsman) they are a special British Army unit, highly trained and very deadly they protect members of the Royal family but they are hand picked and (not everyone can get in) if chosen go on to become fully pledged members of the SAS (Special Air Service)

Annette McGavigan, (14),murdered 6th September, 1971,shot dead by British soldiers in her home town of Derry.

ANNETTE McGAVIGAN.

Annette McGavigan – a Fourteen-year-old schoolgirl, was shot dead by British soldiers during a riot, On Monday, September 6th 1971, on her home from school a riot had eroupted in the Bogside of Derry. Following the riot she went out near her home to collect Rubber bullets. She was shot dead by the British army whilst still wearing her school uniform. Her memory is enshrined today in the minds of her fellow-townsmen on one of the impressive murals (pictured below) which adorn the main avenue of the Bogside, in the center of the town, portraying the heroic protagonists of historical events which took place during the Troubles in Derry. A chance-metting four years ago in Athens with one of Annette’s brothers ignited my sincere interest and preoccupation with that particularly turbulent historical period.

The mural of Annette McGavigan – murdered by the British army in Derry 1971

http://www.irishnews.com/news/2017/05/26/news/family-of-teenage-victim-accuses-mod-of-blocking-tactic-1036250/

CAROL ANN KELLY.

Carol Ann Kelly, murdered 22nd May 1981 (12) murdered by the British army, died three days after being shot by plastic bullet while walking along Cherry Park, Twinbrook, Belfast.

Carol Ann Kelly murdered 22nd May 1981, 12-years-old.

RIP. Remember 12-year-old Carol Ann Kelly of Twinbrook, West Belfast. She was struck by a plastic bullet that was fired by a member of the british army’s royal fusiliers on 19 May 1981; and she died on 22 May. Carol Ann was returning from the store, carrying a carton of milk, when she was shot.

Carol Ann Kelly

MARTHA CAMPBELL.

Martha Campbell, (13), murdered 14th May 1972, by a member of the British Army’s Parachute Regiment in Springhill Crescent, West Belfast. In what has become known as the Springhill Massacre.

Martha Campbell, murdered 14th May 1972, 13-years-old.

MANUS DERRY.

Manus Derry, murdered 19th May 1972 (15) shot dead by the British army when a soldier fired a single shot from the city’s walls into the Bogside, Co. Derry. It was later ruled by a Coroner that Manus was “innocent and posed no threat to anyone” and the British soldiers actions were completely unjustified, on 10th April 2017.

Manus Derry, murdered 19th May 1972, 15-years-old.

MARGARET GARGAN.

Margaret Gargan, murdered 9th July 1972, (13), shot dead by a British Army sniper from an observation post in Corry’s Timber Yard, while walking along Westrock Gardens, Ballymurphy, West Belfast. Margaret, Aged 13, was shot dead by a British soldier during intense shooting by the military in the Springhill area of west Belfast. Three other people, including a Catholic priest, were shot dead attempting to aid the schoolgirl.

Margaret Gargan, murdered 9th July 1972, 13-years-old, shot dead by a British army sniper, Westrock Gardens, Ballymurphy, West Belfast.

JOHN DOUGAL

John Dougal, murdered 9th July 1972, 16-years-old. This is everything we know: Margaret Gargan, 13, was shot in the head while talking to her friends. John Dougal, was 16, shot in the chest whilst attempting to rescue someone else. David McCafferty, 15, was shot in the chest and Patrick Butler, 39, in the head. Father Noel Fitzpatrick, 40, was shot in the neck.

Springhill Massacre

John Dougal, (16), was shot dead by the British army during intense gunfire at Springhill Avenue. He and another youth were going to the assistance of another man who had been wounded by sniper fire. Five people were shot dead by military gunfire in the Springhill area in an incident which became known as ‘The Springhill Massacre’! John had been a member of the junior wing of the IRA. Known as Na Fianna Éireann. When translated into English means ‘The Scouts’.

John Dougal, murdered 9th July 1972, (16), Na Fianna Éireann, shot dead by the British Army, Springhill Avenue, West Belfast.

DAVID McCAFFERTY

David McCafferty, murdered 9th July 1972, (15) na Fianna Éireann. Shot dead by members of the British Army’s Parachute Regiment in what has become known as the Springhill Massacre. Father Noel Fitzpatrick, a Catholic priest, who was brought to the scene by Patrick Butler and David McCafferty to give the last rites to an injured man. The latter three victims were approaching the scene near where John Dougal was shot when a sniper fired a single bullet, which penetrated Fr. Fitzpatrick’s head before entering the body of Patrick Butler, killing them both instantly. Young David McCafferty 15-years-old was shot dead as he tried to pull Fr. Fitzpatrick to his feet. The snipers also injured several others. The sniping into the area continued for some hours. In what has become known as the Springhill Massacare.

David McCafferty, murdered, 15-years-old, na fianna Éireann, shot dead by the British Army’s Parachute Regiment on 9th July 1972

Bernard Samuel Fox

Bernard Fox, murdered 4th December 1972, (16) Na Fianna Éireann, Ard Eoin. On December 4th 16-year-old IRA member Bernard Samuel Fox was shot dead by British soldiers in the Ardoyne area of north Belfast (as printed in The Irish Times, Sat, Aug 30, 2003).

Bernard Fox, murdered, 4th December 1972, 16-years-old, Na Fianna Éireann, Ard Eoin, (top left of page), shot dead by members of the British Army’s Light Infantry Regiment.

Julie Livingstone, murdered, 14-years-old, shot in the head with a plastic bullet by the British Army in May 1981 in West Belfast. Bernadette Devlin’s 14-year-old sister, Julie Livingstone, was killed by a plastic bullet in west Belfast in May 1981. Julie, the youngest of 13 children, was returning home with a friend when soldiers opened fire on a group of women who had gathered to say prayers and bang bin lids after the death of IRA hunger striker Francis Hughes. She waz shot in the head and died the next day in hospital. “Julie was terrified of the police and army,” said another sister, Elizabeth McCurry. “She wouldn’t have been anywhere near a riot. These soldiers had just driven away from an area where they had been under attack and they were all hyped up, but there was nothing threatening happening where Julie was. “We still feel aggrieved the soldiers did not even have to attend the inquest to explain what happened. I wonder does the man who shot her ever think about the 14-year-old whose life he took?”

Julie Livingstone, murdered, 14-years-old, shot in the head with a plastic bullet, May 1981. Died a day later in hospital as a direct result of her injury’s.

‪Also remembering 12 year old Anthony McDowell who was murdered, shot dead by the British Army on 19th April 1973, in Ardoyne.

He sort of looked round at me and he said, “Uncle Michael, I’m hit, I’m hit” and I said, “Don’t be silly, Son” and then he said, “No, no, get my mummy, get my mummy, get my mummy”; that’s all he said.

Anthony McDowell

anthonymcdowell.jpgBy Ardoyne Republican (ardoynerepublican.blogspot.com)

At the time of his death, Anthony McDowell (13), lived with his family in Duneden Park, Ardoyne. He was shot dead on 19th April 1973, by the British Army’s Parachute Regiment. The same regiment who were responsible for the Bloody Sunday murders in Derry and the Ballymurphy Massacre in Belfast two years before.

Anthony was the oldest in a family with four children. He attended Holy Cross Primary School, Ardoyne, and St Gabriel’s School on the Crumlin Road.

He was brought up by with his grandmother. One of his aunt’s said Anthony ‘was a good child and everyone that knew him loved him. He was a big collie and ran in whenever any British troops where about. He had a chopper bike which he loved and would run anywhere for a neighbour without hesitation. He was just a good kid with a heart of gold and a kind word for all.’

On April 19th 1972, Anthony was returning home travelling in his uncle’s car after spending a few days with relatives in Craigavon, Co. Armagh. The vehicle entered the Ardoyne area from the Crumlin Road pass the old bus depot, before turning right into Alliance Avenue. There was no signs of trouble in Ardoyne when the car entered the area. However, there had been a number of heavy and ongoing, exchanges of gunfire between the IRA and British army posts throughout the day.

Anthony was sitting in the front passenger seat of the car as it was driven down Alliance Avenue. When the car approached the junction of Alliance Avenue with Etna Drive the vehicle slowed to turn right into Etna Drive. On the left hand side of Alliance, directly facing Etna Drive was a British army observation post. As the car turned into Etna Drive there was a burst of gunfire and Anthony’s uncle said he heard his nephew shout; ‘I am hit I am hit,’ and then slump on the front seat. The car travelled a short distance before stalling and Anthony asked his uncle; ‘Get me home to my Mummy’.

He had been shot in the back; the bullet responsible piercing the rear door of the car on the passenger’s side before going through the back of the front passenger seat and into the child’s back.

His uncle immediately jumped out of the car and ran for help, shouting out the situation to residents in the street. A British army foot-patrol arrived minutes later and responded to the man’s pleas for an ambulance by searching and harassing him. After several minutes did they relent and call an ambulance.

When the ambulance arrived and left the scene with the dying boy aboard it was stopped at a British army checkpoint in Flax Street. The soldiers insisted on entering the ambulance to check who was inside. Two of the boy’s uncle’s who were in a car travelling directly behind the ambulance were also stopped and arrested. Sadly, the teenager died shortly after arriving at the hospital.

A short time after the shooting paratroopers tried to force their way into the McDowell home to carry out a search operation. Angry relatives of the boy blocked their entrance. The paratroopers called for reinforcements, who arrived in the street in armoured vehicles. The commander of the soldiers gave the order to clear the area in 10 seconds. Another attempt was then made to enter the house. Again the relatives of the boy resisted, and the paratroopers fired rubber bullets at point blank range at them and other people outside the house. Serious hand-to-hand fighting ensued, and one of Anthony’s uncles was struck by a rubber bullet. Fortunately his wristwatch deflected the bullet before it struck him on the abdomen, saving him from death or serious injury.

A local Catholic Priest tried to intercede on behalf of the McDowell family but the Paras persisted in their aim until they got into the house. Later priests from the Holy Cross Church on the Crumlin Road issued a statement about the Brits behaviour stating; ‘the blatant disregard for the grief of the family of the deceased seems to characterised the action of the military authorities at present in Ardoyne.’

The British army Press Office issued a statement claiming they; ‘were certain it was not one of their bullets that hit the boy’.

Relatives and local residents were adamant that the Brits operating from an observation post called ‘The Ring,’ situated at the junction of Alliance Avenue and Alliance Road fired the fatal shot. They also pointed out that it was normal practice whenever there was shooting in the Ardoyne area for the British Army to set up check-points warning people entering the area of the risk. No such checkpoints were in place before the boy was shot.

An inquest into Anthony’s killing was held in April 1975. None of the British soldiers involved in the shooting attended the hearing. A military representative read out the statements, identifying each soldier by a letter of the alphabet. Statements from the soldiers post were read out. All of them said; ‘they were fired on and they returned fire.’ Only one, known as soldier D said he; ‘noticed the car’. He also said; ‘there appeared to be only one person in the car as it turned into Etna Drive and then into Stratford Gardens.’

A representative for the British army admitted; ‘the vehicle should have been stopped before it entered the Ardoyne area’. He also admitted; ‘the bullet that killed the boy was similar to the calibre used by the army’ but he added; ‘it was not known what calibre the terrorist’s were using. The bullet that killed the boy had fragmented making it difficult to be certain which of the four soldiers in fired the fatal shot’. Despite the evidence, the jury returned an open verdict. No British soldiers were ever charged in connection with the murder of Anthony. None of his clothes were returned to the McDowell family.

Anthony McDowell was the youngest victim in Ardoyne killed by the British State, he is still fondly remembered by the Ardoyne community.

SharSource: Anthony McDowellAnthony McDowell, (12), murdered 19th April 1973.Remembering 11 year old Stephen McConomy who was murdered by the British Army on this day in 1982 in Derry, Ireland. He was shot in the head with a plastic bullet.

Eyewitness who tried to go to the boy’s aid were prevented from doing so by the British soldiers, they threatened to shoot anyone who went near him.
No British soldier has ever been charged in connection with the child’s murder.

Daniel Hegarty (15) pictured below, was shot twice in the head by a British soldier in Co. Derry in 1972. His cousin Christopher (16) was also shot in the head


Seamus Duffy, murdered 9th August, 1989 (15) Killed by the RUC, shot by plastic bullet while walking along Dawson Street, New Lodge, Belfast.

Seamus Duffy, murdered 9th August 1989, 15-years-old.0

Stephen Geddis, murdered 30th August 1975 (10) murdered by the British army, died two days after being hit with plastic bullet, Divis flats, Belfast.

Stephen Geddis, murdered 30th August 1975, 10-years-old.

Stephen Mc Conomy, murdered 19th April 1982, (11), murdered by the British army he died three days after being shot by a soldier with a plastic bullet, Fahan Street, Bogside, Derry.

Stephen Mc Conomy, murdered 19th April 1982, 11-years-old.
Stephen Mc Conomy – The Aftermath lying in hospital dying on life support after being shot with a plastic bullet, fired by the British Army.

In April 1982 eleven year old Derry schoolboy Stephen Mc Conomy like hundreds of others in the city, made his Confirmation. Two weeks later he was dead. As a result of the British army. Shot only yards away from his home.

Francis Rowntree, murdered 22nd April 1972, (11), shot dead by the British army was hit (in disputed claims) by a rubber bullet, Divis flats, Belfast.

Francis Rowntree, murdered 22nd April 1972, 11-years-old.

There was no rioting at the time the British soldier fired the baton round which killed Belfast Boy Francis Rowntres (11) inquest told.

The soldier had a clear view of his target, controversy surrounds the shooting, with disputed claims about whether the boy was struck directly or by a ricochet, and if the bullet had been doctored to make it potentially cause more harm.

Francis Rowntree, murdered 22nd April 1972, (11).

Witness Henry Donaghy, who was 14 and was with the St Finian’s Primary School Pupil when he was shot, said he still had a vivid recollection of events. He said: “He (Francis) seemed to lift off the ground slightly and go backwards at the same time. That has stayed with me.”

He was giving evidence at Belfast’s Laganside Court, ordered by Attorney General John Larkin.

According to Mr Donaghy, the bullet was fired from an Army vehicle parked about eight or 10 yards away with its engine running. The doors were closed but an observation hatch was fully open, he said. “It hit him directly because there was nothing to ricocht off,” the witness said. “Whoever fired the shot would have had a clear view of who they were firing at.” Retired State Pathologist Professor Jack Crane said: “The fatal injury was more likely cased by a ‘direct hit’ than a ricochet.”

Brian Stewart, murdered 10th October 1976, (13), pictured below, murdered by the British army. He was shot on the 4th October (shot directly in the face) with a plastic bullet. He died six days after being shot by a soldier, fired by members of the British army’s King’s Own Scottish Borderers with a plastic bullet gun near his home, Norglen Road, Turf Lodge, Belfast.

Brian Stewart, murdered 10th October 1976, 13-years-old.

A Resident who witnessed the fatal shooting described what happened. She said she noticed a military foot-patrol near her home, and one of the soldiers was kneeling down beside a parked car with a plastic bullet gun in an aiming position. I thought it was to frighten some children, as I could not see any children, but thought they were about. A soldier who seemed to be in control stood behind the soldier (kneeling beside the car) and pointed; there was a bang and someone squealed. I ran over to the soldiers shouting, you’re suppose to aim at the ground not stright at the head. The soldier, I took to be in charge of the patrol said the children should not throw stones. I can honestly state that I did not see a stone land while I was there, and I was about four yards from the soldier who fired.’

Another resident who witnessed the incident also said there was no stone throwing when the soldier fired the plastic bullet gun, and while there were about ten children in the street, she said they were dotted about the place and not standing in a group. ‘I heard a plastic bullet gun being fired and I saw a young boy falling to the ground. A member of the patrol went up to him and attempted to pull him by the leg down the street. I feel the soldier who attempted to pull the boy away saw the blood pouring from the boy’s head, realised it was very serious and retreated back to his patrol.

Brian Stewart, murdered 10th October 1976, 13–old, shot in the face on 4th October with a plastic bullet. Fired by members of the British army’s King’s Own Scottish Borderers. He died six day’s later as direct result of his injury’s.

“The whole district was out, everybody was angry. All the time plastic bullets were being fired… The soldiers were running backwards into a field as they retreated towards the Fort Monagh Army Base.’ The soldiers were still firing as Brian was being removed from the house to be taken to hospital.”

The British army in a statement issued through their press office tried to reverse the sequence of events before the shooting by claiming their soldiers had been attacked by a crowd of 500, and only then did they fire a number of baton rounds ‘to extradite themselves and unfortunately one baton round hit a thirteen-year-old boy.’

In another British military statement issued some days later the Commanding Officer of the K.O.S.B., stated, ‘the unfortunate boy was a leading stone thrower.’

At the inquest into the killing of Brian Stewart which was held in December 1977. None of the soldiers involved in the shooting attended, military representives, who identified each other by a letter of the alphabet, read out their statements. All civilian witnessess present in court gave evidence contrary to the British army version of events on that day.

The Jury returned an open verdict.

No British soldiers were ever charged in connection with the killing of Brian Stewart.

The Murder of Brian Stewart.

For the mother {now passed on} of a murdered child, for the sister of a murdered brother, for the niece of a murderes uncle, and for all the family we ask your help in this regard. There will be no closure for us until we get the truth and the justice as Marie outlines below:

Recorded here: – http://davycarlin.allotherplaces.org/?p=3

With many thanks to: Davy Carlin – https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2006/01/332393.html

With many thanks to: Saoirse32 at the following site for information provided at the time of the incident at the following address: – https://saoirse32.wordpress.com/2005/10/02/brian-stewart-turf-lodge-1976/

Paul Whitters, murdered 25th April 1981, (15) shot by the RUC with a plastic bullet. Died 10 days later at Great James Street, Derry.

Paul Whitters, murdered 25th April 1981, 15-years-old.

 

http://www.derryjournal.com/news/o-loan-to-report-on-death-of-paul-whitters-

Danny Barrett, (pictured below) murdered July 9th 1981, (15), shot dead by a British soldier from the Welsh Guards as he sat on a wall outside his home minding his own business. The British army later tryed to make a false claim that Danny had been carrying a rifle. This claim was later disputed by another member of the Security forces a member of the RUC. No British soldiers were ever brought to trail or convicted over the murder of young Danny an innocent victim of the Trouble’s.

PLAQUE TO BE UNVEILED IN MEMORY OF MURDERED BOY.

  1. A plaque in memory of a 15-year-old boy (a personal friend of mine) me and Danny were not personal friends but were in the same class in secondary school (3b or 3c) but I will never forget the day he was murdered. Danny Barrett was sitting on a wall outside his front door in Havana Court. The British army observation post at Flax Street was directly over looking the street. In the late 60’s the British army took it over and were using it as a military base before that it had been a working factory. Danny was never involved with anything at the time (he was never politically inclined with things like that) unlike myself who was politically involved and very active in all things to do with the 1981 hunger strike at the time. Danny was shot dead near the end of the 1981 hunger strike tenisions were very high in Ardoyne (thats all I wish to say about it) I wasn’t inside the observation post but I know you could cut the tension with a knife. A lot of the soldiers were refused leave it is very hard to explain unless you had been there. There were rumours the soldiers were taking drugs to cope. It was at the height of the 1981 hunger strike. He was shot dead (Danny) the day after Joe Mc Donnell died in the H-Blocks. He was the tenth hunger striker to die and the last. But at the time noone knew that. We all thought it was going to go on and on and on. They took his life ( a fithteen year-old-boy) the British Army have a lot to answer for in Ireland but

 

The murder of Daniel Barrett

18/07/2002freeireland

Daniel Barrett 15years, Havana Court, Ardoyne, north Belfast, shot
dead sitting on the garden wall of his home on 9 July 1981, by members
of the British army’s Welsh Guards.Daniel was the second oldest of a family with four children. He was
attending St Gabriel’s Intermediate School on the Crumlin Road at the
time of his death. Daniel’s parents described their son as a normal
boisterous 15-year-old teenager, who liked the girls and had plenty of
friends. They said his favourite pastimes were playing pool, going to
discos, and playing his records.

On the Thursday evening, 9 July, Danny had played pool with friends
until 7pm. He then returned home and watched ‘Top of the Pops’ on
television until 8pm. When the programme was over he went to a local a
disco along with some of his friends. The disco was empty so the
youths left and returned to the Barrett home. As they made their way
back to Havana Court there was some minor stone throwing taking place
in the Ardoyne area and a couple of shots were heard. Danny’s father
speaking about the events of that evening to Relatives for Justice
said although there was some stone throwing at the bottom of Brompton
Park all was quiet in Havana Court.

The street violence in Ardoyne area on 9 July had been taking place
sporadically since the previous day when Joe McDonnell, one of the
H-Block hunger strikers in Long Kesh, died in the prison hospital. He
was fifth of the ten men who were to die in Long Kesh in 1981,
protesting against the withdrawal of political status and the
brutality of the prison regime.

Havana Court, where the Barrett’s lived, was in 1981 a small square of
recently built red brick terrace houses with small gardens surrounded
by two-foot high brick walls. The back yard walls of the houses in
Havana Court ran parallel with the back walls of a similar row of
newly built houses in Flax Street, which faced directly up Brompton
Park. The main road access into to Havana Court was via Flax Street.
The old Ewart’s Mill in Flax Street, which had been used continuously
as a barrack for British soldiers for over ten years, dominated the
area. On top of the mill were several military observation posts
manned by soldiers and equipped with sophisticated cameras. One such
observation post was situated on a part of the mill directly
overlooking Havana Court, giving the soldiers inside the post a clear
view of the entire length of the small street and the section of Flax
Street that backed on to it.

After he returned to his home from the disco Danny and his friends sat
about the front garden talking. It was a bright clear summer’s
evening, and as they sat and chatted they could heard the sound
trouble at Brompton Park, were minor rioting was still continuing and
plastic bullets being fired by British Crown forces. At one point came
the sound of several gunshots and the youths ran from the garden into
the Barrett home. They remained indoors for some time until things had
quietened down before they came out again. When they re-emerged from
the house Danny sat on the garden wall just outside the front door,
one of his friends next to him. The two friends faced the main access
road leading from Flax Street and Ewart’s Mill beyond, with one of the
military posts on its roof clearly visible. Mr Barrett stood in the
doorway along with another of Danny’s friends, while yet another
friend stood near the garden gate. Suddenly there was a further burst
of gunfire and one of Danny’s friends shouted to him to get down.
Danny shouted back 羨ch it’s alright.’ Moments later a single shot
rang out and Danny fell backwards over the wall into a neighbour’s
garden.

Mr Barrett at first thought Danny had deliberately thrown himself back
off the wall to find cover, but when he looked over the wall he saw
his son was losing a lot of blood. Mr Barrett knew then that his son
had been shot. He immediately leapt over the garden wall but
discovered his son was unconscious and 疎ppeared to be dead.’ He
whispered an act of contrition into his son’s ear and held him in his
arms. He tried to help him his son, pulling of his shirt and using it
to stem the flow of blood as they waited for an ambulance.
When the ambulance arrived Danny was quickly placed in the vehicle and
it sped off towards the Mater Hospital on the Crumlin Road, not more
than a mile from the Barrett home. To reach the Crumlin Road the
ambulance had to pass along Flax Street where British soldiers,
operating a permanent checkpoint outside Ewart’s Mill stopped it. The
soldiers demanded the names and details of all those inside the
ambulance before allowing it to proceed. The vehicle travelled a short
distance along Flax Street when it was stopped again by British
soldiers demanding the same details. Despite the protests of the
ambulance crew the vehicle was held up for several more minutes. The
soldiers then informed the ambulance crew that they would escort the
ambulance to the hospital. However, the ambulance had only turned on
to the Crumlin Road from Flax Street when an Royal Ulster Constabulary
mobile patrol stopped it. The British army escort made no attempt to
explain the situation and drove off. The RUC members entered the
ambulance and demanded all the same details the British soldiers had
already obtained. When they had finished questioning the people in the
ambulance the RUC patrol escorted it to the hospital.

The Mater Hospital was contacted and informed of the situation and had
a medical team waiting the arrival of the ambulance at its front
gates. Danny was pronounced dead in the back of the ambulance. The RUC
patrol asked the neighbour accompanying the dead youth to identify his
body, which he did, and Danny Barrett was taken to the morgue.

Shortly after the shooting a large force of RUC and British soldiers
arrived at the Barrett home and carried out an extensive searched of
the house. The home of one of Danny’s friends was also searched. The
following morning forensic experts examined the scene of the shooting.
The forensic experts told Mr Barrett the shot that killed his son came
from the direction of the British army observation post on top of
Ewart’s Mill.

An inquest into the killing of Danny Barrett took place in August
1992. The British soldiers involved in the shooting attended the
hearing, but their names were not disclosed or made known to the
Barrett family and were identified as soldier’s 羨’ and 腺’. A member
of the RUC read out their statements for them. Soldier 羨’, who was
responsible for shooting Danny, said that shots had been fired from
Havana Court and through the sights of his rifle he saw a person whom
he had believed to be a gunman. He said he fired a single shot and saw
a man fall. Soldier ‘B’ in his statement supported soldier ‘A’.

An RUC member in an armoured vehicle in Brompton Park said he saw
puffs of smoke which he believed were gunfire coming from a spot 70
yards from the Barrett house. Both the RUC and the Ministry of Defence
accepted the dead boy was not the gunman. The solicitor representing
the Barrett family described the boy’s death as 壮ummary execution.’

The jury returned an open verdict, adding a rider making it clear that
船anny Barrett was not the gunman nor was he involved in the riotous
situation which prevailed at the time.’

During the inquest Mr Barrett, unable to control his anger and rage at
seeing one of the men involved in killing his son, leapt on top of
soldier ‘B’ as he passed him in the courtroom. Moment’s later soldier
腺’ had to be assisted from the courtroom.

Some time later the Northern Ireland Department of Public Prosecutions
said that following an RUC investigation into the shooting it had
decided not to prosecute any of the British soldiers involved.

No British soldiers were ever charged in connection with the killing
of Danny Barrett.

 ‪

List of People Killed by ‘Rubber’ and ‘Plastic’ Bullets

The following information has been extracted from the Sutton ‘Index of Deaths’. The list contains brief details of the 17 people who have been killing in Northern Ireland by members of the security forces who were using rubber or plastic bullets (also referred to as ‘baton rounds’). The list is in chronological order. Eight of the 17 killed were children. All but one of those killed

Duffy, Seamus
09 August 1989 (15) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Shot by plastic bullet while walking along Dawson Street, New Lodge, Belfast. Geddis, Stephen
30 August 1975 (10) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Died two days after being hit by plastic bullet, Divis Flats, Belfast. Kelly, Carol Ann
22 May 1981 (12) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Died three days after being shot by plastic bullet while walking along Cherry Park, Twinbrook, Belfast. Livingstone, Julie
13 May 1981 (14) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by plastic bullet while walking along Stewartstown Road, Suffolk, Belfast. McConomy, Stephen
19 April 1982 (11) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Died three days after being shot by plastic bullet, Fahan Street, Bogside, Derry. Rowntree, Francis
22 April 1972 (11) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Shot by rubber bullet, Divis Flats, Belfast. Stewart, Brian
10 October 1976 (13) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: British Army (BA)
Died six days after being hit by plastic bullet near his home, Norglen Road, Turf Lodge, Belfast. Whitters, Paul
25 April 1981 (15) Catholic
Status: Civilian (Civ), Killed by: Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
Died 10 days after being shot by plastic bullet, Great James Street, Derry.

[ Platic-Bullets ]

UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS
24 JUNE 1997

HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

SUBMISSION BY THE UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS TO THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

PLASTIC BULLETS – THE REALITY

Julie Livingstone is dead 16 years. She was 14 when she was murdered. No one was ever charged in respect of her death. Had she not been murdered by a plastic bullet she would have been 30 now. She probably would have been married with children of her own. She might have been playing a key role in building peace in Ireland. We will never know. Sadly her father Archie died in 1995. He spent the last years of his life, even during ill health, campaigning for the truth about Julie’s murder to be told. Fighting to ensure no other child was killed by these horrendous weapons. Supporting in his own inimitable way, other families who had suffered in the same way as his. He died without justice and in the knowledge that these weapons were still being used on the streets of the North of Ireland. Knowing that there was a real possibility that more children, like Julie, would be killed by plastic bullets.

This is the human face behind the cold statistics that 17 people, of them children, have been killed by rubber and plastic bullets in the North of Ireland.

Ten year old Stephen Geddis was killed by a plastic bullet on 30 August 1975. A very quiet child, he had refused to go outside for three weeks after returning from a sponsored trip to the USA, a break from the conflict at home. Despite eye witness accounts at the time which stated that Stephen was an innocent bystander, no soldier was ever prosecuted for his murder.

In August 1995, 20 years after Stephen’s murder, the police, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), reopened his case. A former soldier who witnessed the incident came forward and gave an account of what he saw. This differed significantly from the official British Army version given at the time. The Geddis family do not believe that anyone will go to jail for murdering Stephen, but they hope the truth will be told. Joe Geddis, speaking 20 years after his brothers murder, said of his mother “…All she wants to see happen is for the truth to come out at last about her son and for the family to be left to grieve in peace”.

No one has ever been convicted in respect of any of the deaths or injuries resulting from the use of plastic bullets. Only in the case of John Downes, who was murdered in front of thousands of people and the world’s media, was anyone charged. No civilian witnesses were called to give evidence at his trial. He was acquitted.

Over 1.5 million pounds has been paid out in compensation but there is a blank refusal to admit liability. Victims and families of those murdered by plastic bullets demand justice not compensation. They want to know who murdered their loved ones, they want to know why they have been blinded and they demand to know who gave the orders.

Twenty six years ago, 51 year old Emma Groves, a mother of 11, was blinded by a rubber bullet when standing in her own sitting room. Emma lost both her eyes. No one was charged. Now 77, Emma still campaigns tirelessly to have plastic bullets banned and to secure justice for those who have suffered. She is the living legacy of these vile weapons. Thousands like her have, and continue to suffer as a result of horrendous injuries sustained by these weapons. Unfortunately the numbers continue to grow. Three young men lost eyes after being hit by plastic bullets last summer. Many more sustained serious head and upper body injuries.

Plastic Bullets replaced rubber bullets and were marketed by the British Government as being “soft squidgy and harmless”. The brutal reality has seen plastic bullets murder 8 children and 9 adults. Injuring thousands of others, they have left a catalogue of carnage, grief and brutal sectarian oppression. In only two of the fatalities was it found that the victim was killed during a civilian riot. The very large majority of plastic bullets are fired in non riot situations. Plastic bullets have been and continue to be fired at children at play, young girls on errands for their mothers, at football matches, at young people leaving discos and even into victims homes.

Julie Livingstone (14) died after being hit on the head with a plastic bullet. She had gone on an errand with a friend. Six days later Carol Ann Kelly (12) was hit on the side of the head with a plastic bullet when she was doing an errand for her mother. She died three days later.

PLASTIC BULLETS AND POLICING CONTROVERSIAL MARCHES

both children died during a period when there was considerable public demonstration.

“I got very scared and frightened. I panicked and ran down the street and a round the corner straight into a line of riot police who had the bottom of the street blocked off. There was a wall dividing them and the group of us who had tried to get away from the trouble. The wall was pretty high up so the police could only see my head and upper body region. I just stood there and felt someone put their hand on my shoulder, and as I turned to see who it was I was hit on the side of the face with plastic bullet. The distance was about 8 yards. I was knocked unconscious for about 5 minutes and really don’t remember much more after that. When I came too, people were trying to stem the flow of blood and I was taken to the City Hospital by ambulance…..They had to insert 60 stitches both externally and internally in my face wounds. I have to have 2 steel plates and screws put in to hold the bones of my face together. These will remain there permanently. My face is fractured and broken in 6 or 7 places and is very badly swollen and sore…..When the swelling subsides I have to go back to the hospital for plastic surgery.”

This young man, Tommy Turner, is another statistic among the thousands who have been seriously injured, maimed and disfigured by plastic bullets. He could very easily have become the eighteenth person to be murdered by these hideous weapons. He was engaged in a peaceful protest against the forcing through the nationalist Lower Ormeau area of Belfast, of a sectarian Black Preceptary march in August 1995.

US Army research (Technical Report No 74-79, US Army Land Warfare Laboratory, Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland 21005) which is known to the British Government, has proven that the kinetic energy of plastic bullets at range of 25 yards is such that being hit on the head with one at that distance is very likely to cause death. This young man was hit from a distance of only 8 yards. All 14 fatalities from plastic bullets died from injuries sustained to the upper part of the body, 10 from head injuries and 4 from injuries to the chest. In so far as can be ascertained at least half the fatalities were shot at a range of less than 20 meters. 7 of the 14 children were aged 15 or under.

Belfast’s Ormeau Road and the firing of an incredible 100 plastic bullets on the same day, 12 August 1995, in Derry. There was a clear message sent out by the RUC on 12 August 1995 that they were not neutral in the policing of marches through contentious areas and that they were prepared to use lethal force against the local communities in such circumstances. 

Plastic bullets are made of PVC, they weigh 5 grammes, measure 3.5 inches in length and 1.5 inches in diameter and are fired at a velocity of 250 kilometres per hour. At a range of 25 yards the plastic bullet has a velocity of 56 meters per second and a kinetic energy of 212 joules. Even at a range of 50 yards the kinetic energy is 150 joules. At any range feasible for their effective use the probability of causing death or serious injury is extremely high. Eye witness accounts state that during the summer of 1996 they were being fired at point blank range and so fast that the guns used to fire them were overheating and jamming. Human rights observers, including TD’s and Senators from the Irish Government, witnessed plastic bullets being fired at and injuring the head and upper part of the body.

Plastic bullets were introduced into the North as a technological escalation to “control” the legitimate democratic expression of political opposition through street protests. They were introduced, and remain deployed, to silence those who wish to engage in civil protests against the Government, a fundamental right in any democracy, in the same way lead bullets were used on Bloody Sunday. They are deployed with the aim of making people afraid to come out on the streets to protest.

It is not insignificant that 16 of the 17 deaths caused by rubber and plastic bullets were Catholics. Since their introduction they have been used by a protestant security force to frighten and intimidate the nationalist population. This was graphically re-enforced during the summer of 1996. One human rights observer was shocked to see them being aimed at young children in prams in Rutland Street on the nationalist Lower Ormeau Road, Belfast during the 26 hour curfew imposed over the 11/12 July 1996, when the entire street was sandwiched between two rows of RUC landrovers and there was no avenue of “escape”. Nor can it be ignored that British Home Secretary refused to use plastic bullets in Britain because “someone might get hurt”.

The issue of sectarian marches remains unresolved, ready to explode again within the next two weeks. Post 1996 almost half the population of the North of Ireland are alienated from the Rule of Law and believe, with due cause, that those charged with upholding it are guilty of behaving in a sectarian manner. These same forces of law and order are, despite the Labour Government’s pre election policy commitment, still armed with lethal weapons in the form of plastic bullets, as a means of controlling civil disturbances. It is true to say that the Nationalist community in the North of Ireland are terrified at the prospect of these lethal weapons being used again this summer by these sectarian forces.

The 1996 “marching season” saw an escalation in the use of plastic bullets significantly only comparable to the numbers used during the 1981 hunger strike.

From April to August 1981 7 people were killed by plastic bullets in the North (3 of them children). In the month of May 1981, during the hunger strikes, 16,656 plastic bullets were fired, 537 per day. In Derry on three consecutive nights between 11-13 July 1996, 3026 plastic bullets were fired, 1008 per night. In May 1981, 3 innocent people died from head injuries inflicted by plastic bullets in non riot situations.

A SECTARIAN WEAPON FOR A SECTARIAN FORCE

While researching their excellent report “The Misrule of Law” into the policing of the events of the summer of 1996 in the North of Ireland, the Committee on the Administration of Justice were told that 6002 plastic bullets had been fired during the “12th week”. The disparity in the numbers fired against nationalists and unionists highlights the sectarian nature of the use of plastic bullets. In the four day period from 7-11 July 1996, there was widespread public disorder orchestrated by unionists and loyalists who supported the Orange Order’s stand off at Drumcree, near the Garvaghy Road, Portadown. Business were petrol bombed, unionist/loyalist roadblocks prevented people moving to or from work or indeed outside of their areas, the airport and the ports were blocked, nationalist communities were attacked and burnt out of their homes. The North was held to ransom. During this time 662 plastic bullets were fired.

During the subsequent 3 days of protests by nationalists at the British Government and RUC’s “U” turn forcing the Orange Order parade down the Garvaghy road and the curfewing of the entire nationalist Lower Ormeau Road (Belfast) community, a staggering 5340 plastic bullets were fired, 3026 in three nights in Derry. Human rights observers, who witnessed events throughout the North during that week, were horrified and frightened by the numbers and the manner of the use of plastic bullets, particularly in Derry. They described them as being fired like confetti and plastic bullet guns jamming and overheating because the bullets were being fired so quickly. Observers witnessed large numbers of people with serious injuries including many with head and upper body injuries.

WHO IS COUNTING?

Interestingly the figure of 6002 plastic bullets fired during the 7-14 July 1996 period increased (according to official figures) to 6921 when Human Rights Watch/Helsinki were researching their recently published report “To Serve Without Favour”. In statements of 9 June 1997 in respect of the deployment of “faulty” plastic bullets having been used during the summer of 1996, the British Government are now claiming that 7500 faulty plastic bullets had been fired during the summer of 1996. An increase of 1500 or 25% on the original figure given to the Committee on the Administration of Justice. This begs the very serious question of accountability, control and monitoring of soldiers and members of the RUC firing of lethal rounds. The discrepancy in figures can only lead one to assume that those issued with and using lethal force do not even have to account for lethal rounds discharged. Ipso facto they can kill with impunity.

THE LAW

In respect of the use of plastic bullets the security forces in the North of Ireland have been guilty of, and continue to perpetrate, gross human rights abuses. No member of the security forces has been convicted of any incident in relation to the use of these lethal weapons. They have been granted impunity in respect of the murder of 17 men, women and children and the injury of thousands of others.

The use of plastic bullets contravenes domestic and international law. This was starkly highlighted in the manner in which they were used during 1996. Their use is inconsistent with the use of minimum force and should not be tolerated by any society aiming to maintain democratic and human rights standards. Facts surrounding the use of plastic bullets unequivocally demonstrate that the British Government has repeatedly breached articles in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights which guarantee the right to life, the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment and the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Relatives and victims of these weapons have been denied access to the facts and evidence surrounding the deployment of plastic and rubber bullets in circumstances which have resulted in death and serious injury. In the absence of prosecutions on the part of the British government relatives have sought justice through private prosecutions. In such cases they have been denied access to the identity of the individuals responsible for the discharge of the fatal bullet. Families who have pursued redress through national and international courts have been systematically harassed and intimidated by the British Army and the RUC.

Claims for damages through the civil courts have been indefensibly delayed. Those who have received compensation for death/injury have had such damages as they have received clawed back through the withholding of state benefits. Civil claims have been settled out of court with no admission of liability and no full disclosure of the facts of the case. In an attempt to dissuade those who have been injured by plastic bullets from pursuing legal redress, victims have been threatened with fabricated prosecutions.

In the absence of criminal or civil cases being heard in open court the only means by which relatives can find out the truth of what happened to their loved ones has been through the inquest process. In some cases the State has refused to hold inquests. Others have been inexcusably delayed. In some cases the State has lied to families about the proceedings. Death certificates have been withheld for inordinately long periods of time.

FAULTY WEAPONS

The plastic bullet has been found to be ballistically unstable. In October 1991 the British Government admitted that the anti riot gun weapon used to fire plastic bullets was defective. The design faults of these weapons have been known since 1982 Because of monetary considerations, 1987 plans to replace the weapons were shelved despite the body of evidence that the gun was faulty. This admission begs a number of questions;

If these deaths and injuries were being fully investigated in accordance with the British Governments international obligations why was this defect not detected? Why if it was discovered, given the lethal nature of the weapons, was it not immediately withdrawn? Why were the victims, relatives and general public not informed of this fault? Since the fault design had became known, 1982 people have been killed and maimed by these weapons. Why was this allowed to happen?

Dr Peter Waddington, Director of the Criminal Justice Department at Reading University, carried out research into the weapon and found it to be inaccurate by a distance of about 10 feet at a range of less than 30 yards and that the bullet is ballistically unstable. It doesn’t maintain its orientation… it’s direction becomes variable and it weaves around in flight.
Ian Hogg, editor of the defense manual Jane’s Counterinsurgency believes plastic bullets of their very nature to be dangerous. He stated “It is just a slab of plastic and with the best will in the world you can’t guarantee where it is going to go when you pull the trigger-you do your best to aim at a specific spot but it has no ballistic shape, doesn’t spin so it is not stable that way and it will hit and bounce and do all sort of stupid things.”
On 9 June 1997 in answer to a Parliamentary question the British Government stated that plastic bullets issued in early 1994 including the majority of those used during the summer of 1996 in the North of Ireland, were again faulty. The admission came only days after Human Rights Watch condemned the use of plastic bullets and more worryingly just weeks before the disputed Orange Order march on the nationalist Garvaghy Road. The “admission” is a feeble attempt to silence any international concerns about their use again this summer and to counteract the irrefutable evidence, including the US Army research, that plastic bullets are by their very nature lethal weapons which cause death and horrendous injuries. Faulty weapons was also the excuse used for the murder of John Downes, Stephen McConomy and the only protestant murder by these weapons, Keith White.

RULES OF ENGAGEMENT

Rules of engagement for the use of Plastic Bullets have been issued, but are not available to the public. The Chief Constable of the RUC told Human Rights Watch that;
“Plastic bullets are not to be shot at a range of less than twenty meters and are not to be bounced off the ground. They are only to be shot if the safety of police officers or others is seriously threatened. Plastic baton rounds are to be fired only at selected individuals and never indiscriminately at a crowd. they are to be aimed to strike the lower part of the target person’s body directly”.
All those murdered by these weapons have died as a result of injury to the head or upper part of the body. Emma Groves is unfortunately one of a growing number of individuals who have lost one or both eyes as a consequence of being shot by these weapons. They were fired according to one eye witness like confetti in Derry on the night of the 12 July 1996.
Evidence indicates that individual members of the security forces are sometimes unaware of the existence of rules of engagement, were usually ignorant of what the rules stated and rarely adhered to them. This again was obvious given the actions of the RUC and Army over the summer of 1996. The rules are not legally enforceable. So far as can be ascertained no member of the security forces has even been disciplined for breaching the Rules of Engagement.
Human Rights Watch in their recent report concluded that ..”plastic bullet use in many instances was indiscriminate and that the RUC’s own guidelines for use were ignored. Moreover, testimony from numerous people indicates that the verbal abuse levelled against nationalists by the RUC officers was sectarian in nature and thus lends credence to allegations of the sectarian nature use of plastic bullets.”

VOICING CONCERNS

Over the years the use of plastic bullets has been and continues to be condemned by the human rights and international community. As early as 13 May 1982 the European Community passed a motion calling on Governments of Member States to ban the use of plastic bullets. There is currently a report before the European Parliament which proves that the use of plastic bullets is counterproductive in that it provokes rather than quells violence. In July 1983 the Northern Catholic Bishops said the use of plastic bullets was morally indefensible and that they should be withdrawn.
In 1995 the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child voiced it’s concern about the use of plastic bullets in the North of Ireland. Recently the UN Human Rights Committee and the UN Committee Against Torture also voiced their concerns about their continued use. The Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and British Irish Rights Watch have all called for plastic bullets to be banned. Amnesty International have voiced their concerns about their use and are calling for an enquiry.
The January 1996 report of the International Body chaired by Senator George Mitchell called for a review of the use of plastic bullets. Paragraph 55 of the Report states that “a review of… the use of plastic bullets, and continued progress towards more balanced representation in the police force would contribute to the building of trust.” The then British Prime Minister, John Major, binned that paragraph along with the rest of Senator Mitchell’s report.
In March 1995 at a Belfast conference, organised by the Committee on the Administration of Justice, John Shattock, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, stated “Anyone and everyone desiring a peaceful future for Northern Ireland must support the……elimination of such deadly security measures as the use of plastic bullets for civilian crowd control”.

CONCLUSION

The increased militarisation of the security forces in the North of Ireland is to be viewed as a retrogressive step in respect of policing. The use of military and technological means to suppress political expression, like that of the communities opposing the routing of sectarian Orange marches through their areas, is particularly to be deplored as a serious threat to any democratic society. The increased militarisation technology has spawned, especially in the hands of the sectarian security forces in the North of Ireland, exists as a barrier to the creation of any peaceful, democratic society.
Until the use of lethal force in the form of plastic bullets is ended, stock piles decommissioned and the truth about the deaths and injuries caused by these weapons told, building peace, democracy, trust and faith in the Rule of Law will be an impossible task.
The UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS, respectfully requests the HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS to do all within it’s power to secure a withdrawal of plastic bullets in the North of Ireland and to secure justice for all who have suffered as a result of their use because;

Plastic bullets are highly dangerous, lethal weapons.
The British Government use them in full knowledge of their lethal nature and grant immunity from prosecution to those who use them to murder. In effect they are operating a shoot to kill policyThey have been used during the conflict in Ireland in non riot situations as a means of intimidation against innocent individuals including small children. Their use has proven to be counterproductive.There is clear evidence that they have been used in a sectarian manner against the catholic community in the North of IrelandThe Rules governing their use are clearly not adhered to.Military and medical research show that of their very nature they are highly dangerous.
Those who use them are not subject to the Law. Nor it would appear are they subject to internal discipline when Rules of Engagement are breached.In the use of plastic bullets the British Government has contravened Domestic and International Legislation.Relatives of those who have been murdered by plastic bullets and those who have been injured have been denied justice.Their continued use is a major obstacle on the road to peace and their deployment and use to “resolve” that which demands political resolution is not only counterproductive, it is immoral, illegal and contrary to the cornerstones of democracy

And least we forget the human reality behind the statistics amid the legal and political arguments, those who were murdered by rubber and plastic bullets were…..

Rubber Bullets

Francis Rowntree 11 years 20 April 1972 Tobias Molloy 18 years 16 July 1972 Thomas Friel 21 years 22 May 1973

Plastic Bullets

Stephen Geddis 10 years 30 August 1975 Brian Stewart 13 years 10 October 1976 Michael Donnelly 21 years 10 August 1980 Paul Whitters 15 years 25 April 1981 Julie Livingstone 14 years 13 May 1981 Carol Ann Kelly 12 years 22 May 1981 Henry Duffy 45 years 22 May 1981 Nora McCabe 30 years 9 July 1981 Peter Doherty 40 years 31 July 1981 Peter McGuiness 41 years 8 August 1981 Stephen McConomy 11 years 19 April 1982 John Downes 23 years 12 August 1984 Keith White 20 years 14 April 1986 Seamus Duffy 15 years 9 August 1989 Let us hope it is a definitive list.Prepared by the UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS 92 STEWARTSTOWN PARK BELFAST BT11 9GN IRELAND

The United Campaign Against Plastic Bullets is a non political, non sectarian group, committed to the banning of plastic bullets and the securing of justice for all those who have suffered as a result of the use of plastic bullets. The Group consists of relatives and victims of those who have been killed or injured by

 

http://www.derryjournal.com/news/o-loan-to-report-on-death-of-paul-whitters-1-2110035

List of People Killed by ‘Rubber’ and ‘Plastic’ Bullets

The following information has been extracted from the Sutton ‘Index of Deaths‘. The list contains brief details of the 17 people who have been killing in Northern Ireland by members of the security forces who were using rubber or plastic bullets (also referred to as ‘baton rounds’). The list is in chronological order. Eight of the 17 killed were children. All but one of those killed <- Startseite | Sanigruppen | Erste Hilfe | Rechtsschutz und Tipps | Broschürenarchiv ]

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Statement of
BRENDA DOWNES

UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS
24 JUNE 1997

HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

SUBMISSION BY THE UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS TO THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

PLASTIC BULLETS – THE REALITY

Julie Livingstone is dead 16 years. She was 14 when she was murdered. No one was ever charged in respect of her death. Had she not been murdered by a plastic bullet she would have been 30 now. She probably would have been married with children of her own. She might have been playing a key role in building peace in Ireland. We will never know. Sadly her father Archie died in 1995. He spent the last years of his life, even during ill health, campaigning for the truth about Julie’s murder to be told. Fighting to ensure no other child was killed by these horrendous weapons. Supporting in his own inimitable way, other families who had suffered in the same way as his. He died without justice and in the knowledge that these weapons were still being used on the streets of the North of Ireland. Knowing that there was a real possibility that more children, like Julie, would be killed by plastic bullets.

This is the human face behind the cold statistics that 17 people, of them children, have been killed by rubber and plastic bullets in the North of Ireland.

Ten year old Stephen Geddis was killed by a plastic bullet on 30 August 1975. A very quiet child, he had refused to go outside for three weeks after returning from a sponsored trip to the USA, a break from the conflict at home. Despite eye witness accounts at the time which stated that Stephen was an innocent bystander, no soldier was ever prosecuted for his murder.

In August 1995, 20 years after Stephen’s murder, the police, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), reopened his case. A former soldier who witnessed the incident came forward and gave an account of what he saw. This differed significantly from the official British Army version given at the time. The Geddis family do not believe that anyone will go to jail for murdering Stephen, but they hope the truth will be told. Joe Geddis, speaking 20 years after his brothers murder, said of his mother “…All she wants to see happen is for the truth to come out at last about her son and for the family to be left to grieve in peace”.

No one has ever been convicted in respect of any of the deaths or injuries resulting from the use of plastic bullets. Only in the case of John Downes, who was murdered in front of thousands of people and the world’s media, was anyone charged. No civilian witnesses were called to give evidence at his trial. He was acquitted.

Over 1.5 million pounds has been paid out in compensation but there is a blank refusal to admit liability. Victims and families of those murdered by plastic bullets demand justice not compensation. They want to know who murdered their loved ones, they want to know why they have been blinded and they demand to know who gave the orders.

Twenty six years ago, 51 year old Emma Groves, a mother of 11, was blinded by a rubber bullet when standing in her own sitting room. Emma lost both her eyes. No one was charged. Now 77, Emma still campaigns tirelessly to have plastic bullets banned and to secure justice for those who have suffered. She is the living legacy of these vile weapons. Thousands like her have, and continue to suffer as a result of horrendous injuries sustained by these weapons. Unfortunately the numbers continue to grow. Three young men lost eyes after being hit by plastic bullets last summer. Many more sustained serious head and upper body injuries.

Plastic Bullets replaced rubber bullets and were marketed by the British Government as being “soft squidgy and harmless”. The brutal reality has seen plastic bullets murder 8 children and 9 adults. Injuring thousands of others, they have left a catalogue of carnage, grief and brutal sectarian oppression. In only two of the fatalities was it found that the victim was killed during a civilian riot. The very large majority of plastic bullets are fired in non riot situations. Plastic bullets have been and continue to be fired at children at play, young girls on errands for their mothers, at football matches, at young people leaving discos and even into victims homes.

Julie Livingstone (14) died after being hit on the head with a plastic bullet. She had gone on an errand with a friend. Six days later Carol Ann Kelly (12) was hit on the side of the head with a plastic bullet when she was doing an errand for her mother. She died three days later.

PLASTIC BULLETS AND POLICING CONTROVERSIAL MARCHES

Significantly, given last years events and the frightening prospects for this summer, both children died during a period when there was considerable public demonstration on the part of the nationalist community at the political strategies of the British Government – during the hunger strikes.

“I got very scared and frightened. I panicked and ran down the street and a round the corner straight into a line of riot police who had the bottom of the street blocked off. There was a wall dividing them and the group of us who had tried to get away from the trouble. The wall was pretty high up so the police could only see my head and upper body region. I just stood there and felt someone put their hand on my shoulder, and as I turned to see who it was I was hit on the side of the face with plastic bullet. The distance was about 8 yards. I was knocked unconscious for about 5 minutes and really don’t remember much more after that. When I came too, people were trying to stem the flow of blood and I was taken to the City Hospital by ambulance…..They had to insert 60 stitches both externally and internally in my face wounds. I have to have 2 steel plates and screws put in to hold the bones of my face together. These will remain there permanently. My face is fractured and broken in 6 or 7 places and is very badly swollen and sore…..When the swelling subsides I have to go back to the hospital for plastic surgery.”

This young man, Tommy Turner, is another statistic among the thousands who have been seriously injured, maimed and disfigured by plastic bullets. He could very easily have become the eighteenth person to be murdered by these hideous weapons. He was engaged in a peaceful protest against the forcing through the nationalist Lower Ormeau area of Belfast, of a sectarian Black Preceptary march in August 1995.

US Army research (Technical Report No 74-79, US Army Land Warfare Laboratory, Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland 21005) which is known to the British Government, has proven that the kinetic energy of plastic bullets at range of 25 yards is such that being hit on the head with one at that distance is very likely to cause death. This young man was hit from a distance of only 8 yards. All 14 fatalities from plastic bullets died from injuries sustained to the upper part of the body, 10 from head injuries and 4 from injuries to the chest. In so far as can be ascertained at least half the fatalities were shot at a range of less than 20 meters. 7 of the 14 children were aged 15 or under.

The flagrant and widespread use of lethal force against unarmed civilians,the attempted murder of Tommy Turner on Belfast’s Ormeau Road and the firing of an incredible 100 plastic bullets on the same day, 12 August 1995, in Derry, constituted the 1995 “policing” of a disputed and controversial march, one year into the ceasefires. Eye witness accounts state that Tommy Turner was running away from the area when he was hit. There was a clear message sent out by the RUC on 12 August 1995 that they were not neutral in the policing of marches through contentious areas and that they were prepared to use lethal force against the local communities in such circumstances. The firing of the plastic bullets in Belfast and Derry on that occasion, as in so many other occasions, led to further civil disturbances and alienation from the RUC. It was only a precursor of what was to come during the summer of 1996.

Plastic bullets are made of PVC, they weigh 5 grammes, measure 3.5 inches in length and 1.5 inches in diameter and are fired at a velocity of 250 kilometres per hour. At a range of 25 yards the plastic bullet has a velocity of 56 meters per second and a kinetic energy of 212 joules. Even at a range of 50 yards the kinetic energy is 150 joules. At any range feasible for their effective use the probability of causing death or serious injury is extremely high. Eye witness accounts state that during the summer of 1996 they were being fired at point blank range and so fast that the guns used to fire them were overheating and jamming. Human rights observers, including TD’s and Senators from the Irish Government, witnessed plastic bullets being fired at and injuring the head and upper part of the body.

Plastic bullets were introduced into the North as a technological escalation to “control” the legitimate democratic expression of political opposition through street protests. They were introduced, and remain deployed, to silence those who wish to engage in civil protests against the Government, a fundamental right in any democracy, in the same way lead bullets were used on Bloody Sunday. They are deployed with the aim of making people afraid to come out on the streets to protest.

It is not insignificant that 16 of the 17 deaths caused by rubber and plastic bullets were Catholics. Since their introduction they have been used by a protestant security force to frighten and intimidate the nationalist population. This was graphically re-enforced during the summer of 1996. One human rights observer was shocked to see them being aimed at young children in prams in Rutland Street on the nationalist Lower Ormeau Road, Belfast during the 26 hour curfew imposed over the 11/12 July 1996, when the entire street was sandwiched between two rows of RUC landrovers and there was no avenue of “escape”. Nor can it be ignored that British Home Secretary refused to use plastic bullets in Britain because “someone might get hurt”.

The issue of sectarian marches remains unresolved, ready to explode again within the next two weeks. Post 1996 almost half the population of the North of Ireland are alienated from the Rule of Law and believe, with due cause, that those charged with upholding it are guilty of behaving in a sectarian manner. These same forces of law and order are, despite the Labour Government’s pre election policy commitment, still armed with lethal weapons in the form of plastic bullets, as a means of controlling civil disturbances. It is true to say that the Nationalist community in the North of Ireland are terrified at the prospect of these lethal weapons being used again this summer by these sectarian forces.

The 1996 “marching season” saw an escalation in the use of plastic bullets significantly only comparable to the numbers used during the 1981 hunger strike.

From April to August 1981 7 people were killed by plastic bullets in the North (3 of them children). In the month of May 1981, during the hunger strikes, 16,656 plastic bullets were fired, 537 per day. In Derry on three consecutive nights between 11-13 July 1996, 3026 plastic bullets were fired, 1008 per night. In May 1981, 3 innocent people died from head injuries inflicted by plastic bullets in non riot situations.

A SECTARIAN WEAPON FOR A SECTARIAN FORCE

While researching their excellent report “The Misrule of Law” into the policing of the events of the summer of 1996 in the North of Ireland, the Committee on the Administration of Justice were told that 6002 plastic bullets had been fired during the “12th week”. The disparity in the numbers fired against nationalists and unionists highlights the sectarian nature of the use of plastic bullets. In the four day period from 7-11 July 1996, there was widespread public disorder orchestrated by unionists and loyalists who supported the Orange Order’s stand off at Drumcree, near the Garvaghy Road, Portadown. Business were petrol bombed, unionist/loyalist roadblocks prevented people moving to or from work or indeed outside of their areas, the airport and the ports were blocked, nationalist communities were attacked and burnt out of their homes. The North was held to ransom. During this time 662 plastic bullets were fired.

During the subsequent 3 days of protests by nationalists at the British Government and RUC’s “U” turn forcing the Orange Order parade down the Garvaghy road and the curfewing of the entire nationalist Lower Ormeau Road (Belfast) community, a staggering 5340 plastic bullets were fired, 3026 in three nights in Derry. Human rights observers, who witnessed events throughout the North during that week, were horrified and frightened by the numbers and the manner of the use of plastic bullets, particularly in Derry. They described them as being fired like confetti and plastic bullet guns jamming and overheating because the bullets were being fired so quickly. Observers witnessed large numbers of people with serious injuries including many with head and upper body injuries.

WHO IS COUNTING?

Interestingly the figure of 6002 plastic bullets fired during the 7-14 July 1996 period increased (according to official figures) to 6921 when Human Rights Watch/Helsinki were researching their recently published report “To Serve Without Favour”. In statements of 9 June 1997 in respect of the deployment of “faulty” plastic bullets having been used during the summer of 1996, the British Government are now claiming that 7500 faulty plastic bullets had been fired during the summer of 1996. An increase of 1500 or 25% on the original figure given to the Committee on the Administration of Justice. This begs the very serious question of accountability, control and monitoring of soldiers and members of the RUC firing of lethal rounds. The discrepancy in figures can only lead one to assume that those issued with and using lethal force do not even have to account for lethal rounds discharged. Ipso facto they can kill with impunity.

THE LAW

In respect of the use of plastic bullets the security forces in the North of Ireland have been guilty of, and continue to perpetrate, gross human rights abuses. No member of the security forces has been convicted of any incident in relation to the use of these lethal weapons. They have been granted impunity in respect of the murder of 17 men, women and children and the injury of thousands of others.

The use of plastic bullets contravenes domestic and international law. This was starkly highlighted in the manner in which they were used during 1996. Their use is inconsistent with the use of minimum force and should not be tolerated by any society aiming to maintain democratic and human rights standards. Facts surrounding the use of plastic bullets unequivocally demonstrate that the British Government has repeatedly breached articles in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights which guarantee the right to life, the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment and the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Relatives and victims of these weapons have been denied access to the facts and evidence surrounding the deployment of plastic and rubber bullets in circumstances which have resulted in death and serious injury. In the absence of prosecutions on the part of the British government relatives have sought justice through private prosecutions. In such cases they have been denied access to the identity of the individuals responsible for the discharge of the fatal bullet. Families who have pursued redress through national and international courts have been systematically harassed and intimidated by the British Army and the RUC.

Claims for damages through the civil courts have been indefensibly delayed. Those who have received compensation for death/injury have had such damages as they have received clawed back through the withholding of state benefits. Civil claims have been settled out of court with no admission of liability and no full disclosure of the facts of the case. In an attempt to dissuade those who have been injured by plastic bullets from pursuing legal redress, victims have been threatened with fabricated prosecutions.

In the absence of criminal or civil cases being heard in open court the only means by which relatives can find out the truth of what happened to their loved ones has been through the inquest process. In some cases the State has refused to hold inquests. Others have been inexcusably delayed. In some cases the State has lied to families about the proceedings. Death certificates have been withheld for inordinately long periods of time.

FAULTY WEAPONS

The plastic bullet has been found to be ballistically unstable. In October 1991 the British Government admitted that the anti riot gun weapon used to fire plastic bullets was defective. The design faults of these weapons have been known since 1982 Because of monetary considerations, 1987 plans to replace the weapons were shelved despite the body of evidence that the gun was faulty. This admission begs a number of questions;

  1. If these deaths and injuries were being fully investigated in accordance with the British Governments international obligations why was this defect not detected?
  2. Why if it was discovered, given the lethal nature of the weapons, was it not immediately withdrawn?
  3. Why were the victims, relatives and general public not informed of this fault?
  4. Since the fault design had became known, 1982 people have been killed and maimed by these weapons. Why was this allowed to happen?

Dr Peter Waddington, Director of the Criminal Justice Department at Reading University, carried out research into the weapon and found it to be inaccurate by a distance of about 10 feet at a range of less than 30 yards and that the bullet is ballistically unstable. It doesn’t maintain its orientation… it’s direction becomes variable and it weaves around in flight.
Ian Hogg, editor of the defense manual Jane’s Counterinsurgency believes plastic bullets of their very nature to be dangerous. He stated “It is just a slab of plastic and with the best will in the world you can’t guarantee where it is going to go when you pull the trigger-you do your best to aim at a specific spot but it has no ballistic shape, doesn’t spin so it is not stable that way and it will hit and bounce and do all sort of stupid things.”
On 9 June 1997 in answer to a Parliamentary question the British Government stated that plastic bullets issued in early 1994 including the majority of those used during the summer of 1996 in the North of Ireland, were again faulty. The admission came only days after Human Rights Watch condemned the use of plastic bullets and more worryingly just weeks before the disputed Orange Order march on the nationalist Garvaghy Road. The “admission” is a feeble attempt to silence any international concerns about their use again this summer and to counteract the irrefutable evidence, including the US Army research, that plastic bullets are by their very nature lethal weapons which cause death and horrendous injuries. Faulty weapons was also the excuse used for the murder of John Downes, Stephen McConomy and the only protestant murder by these weapons, Keith White.

RULES OF ENGAGEMENT

Rules of engagement for the use of Plastic Bullets have been issued, but are not available to the public. The Chief Constable of the RUC told Human Rights Watch that;
“Plastic bullets are not to be shot at a range of less than twenty meters and are not to be bounced off the ground. They are only to be shot if the safety of police officers or others is seriously threatened. Plastic baton rounds are to be fired only at selected individuals and never indiscriminately at a crowd. they are to be aimed to strike the lower part of the target person’s body directly”.
All those murdered by these weapons have died as a result of injury to the head or upper part of the body. Emma Groves is unfortunately one of a growing number of individuals who have lost one or both eyes as a consequence of being shot by these weapons. They were fired according to one eye witness like confetti in Derry on the night of the 12 July 1996.
Evidence indicates that individual members of the security forces are sometimes unaware of the existence of rules of engagement, were usually ignorant of what the rules stated and rarely adhered to them. This again was obvious given the actions of the RUC and Army over the summer of 1996. The rules are not legally enforceable. So far as can be ascertained no member of the security forces has even been disciplined for breaching the Rules of Engagement.
Human Rights Watch in their recent report concluded that ..”plastic bullet use in many instances was indiscriminate and that the RUC’s own guidelines for use were ignored. Moreover, testimony from numerous people indicates that the verbal abuse levelled against nationalists by the RUC officers was sectarian in nature and thus lends credence to allegations of the sectarian nature use of plastic bullets.”

VOICING CONCERNS

Over the years the use of plastic bullets has been and continues to be condemned by the human rights and international community. As early as 13 May 1982 the European Community passed a motion calling on Governments of Member States to ban the use of plastic bullets. There is currently a report before the European Parliament which proves that the use of plastic bullets is counterproductive in that it provokes rather than quells violence. In July 1983 the Northern Catholic Bishops said the use of plastic bullets was morally indefensible and that they should be withdrawn.
In 1995 the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child voiced it’s concern about the use of plastic bullets in the North of Ireland. Recently the UN Human Rights Committee and the UN Committee Against Torture also voiced their concerns about their continued use. The Committee on the Administration of Justice, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and British Irish Rights Watch have all called for plastic bullets to be banned. Amnesty International have voiced their concerns about their use and are calling for an enquiry.
The Januar

Francis Rowntree 11 years 20 April 1972
Tobias Molloy 18 years 16 July 1972
Thomas Friel 21 years 22 May 197

Stephen Geddis 10 years 30 August 1975
Brian Stewart 13 years 10 October 1976
Michael Donnelly 21 years 10 August 1980
Paul Whitters 15 years 25 April 1981
Julie Livingstone 14 years 13 May 1981
Carol Ann Kelly 12 years 22 May 1981
Henry Duffy 45 years 22 May 1981
Nora McCabe 30 years 9 July 1981
Peter Doherty 40 years 31 July 1981
Peter McGuiness 41 years 8 August 1981
Stephen McConomy 11 years 19 April 1982
John Downes 23 years 12 August 1984
Keith White 20 years 14 April 1986
Seamus Duffy 15 years 9 August 1989
Let us hope it is a definitive list.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The United Campaign Against Plastic Bullets is a non political, non sectarian group, committed to the banning of plastic bullets and the securing of justice for all those who have suffered as a result of the use of plastic bullets. The Group consists of relatives and victims of those who have been killed or injured by plastic bullets in the North of Ireland.
24 June 1997
BRIEF SUMMARY OF PREPARED STATEMENT OF BRENDA DOWNES OF THE UNITED CAMPAIGN AGAINST PLASTIC BULLETS TO THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ON THE 24 JUNE 1997

  • Plastic bullets are highly dangerous, lethal weapons.
    In using them with the full knowledge of their lethal nature and granting immunity from prosecution to those use them to murder,the British government are in effect operating a shoot to kill policy
  • They have been used during the conflict in Ireland in non riot situations as a means of intimidation against innocent individuals including small children. Their use has proven to be counterproductive.
  • There is clear evidence that they have been used in a sectarian manner against the catholic community in the North of Ireland
  • The Rules governing their use are clearly not adhered to.
  • Military and medical research show that of their very nature they are highly dangerous.
  • Those who use them are not subject to the Law. Nor it would appear are they subject to internal discipline when Rules of Engagement are breached.
  • In the use of plastic bullets the British Government has contravened Domestic and International Legislation.
  • Relatives of those who have been murdered by plastic bullets and those who have been injured have been denied justice.
  • Their continued use is a major obstacle on



David Simpson lied on election leaflet literature and claimed it ‘was print error’ !

‘DAVID SIMPSON WAS TO FAT TO FIT IN A FLAK JACKET’.

Former Upper Bann MP David Simpson

THE DUP election candidate’s false claim in promotional literature that he visited serving soldiers in Afghanistan was ‘A LIE’ and has been blamed on a printing error.

FALSE DUP VISIT CLAIM ‘WAS PRINT ERROR’

DUP MP David Simpson

An election leaflet for David Simpson MP said he had “visited British troops on the frontline of Afghanistan”.

The former Upper Bann MP was due to visit in 2010 but was prevented from going to the war-torn country because he was to big to fit in a flak jacket.

As a result, the Army prevented him from travelling.

British Torture of their Captives IS NOT a thing of the past.

British torture of their captives IS NOT a thing of the past. It’s ingrained in the very structure and mentality of ALL their police and military and it is USED and ENJOYED still, as acceptable.
Never was there a filthier more depraved outfit!!!

Hooded treatment and torture is a thing of the past”.

That was what I was told by an English journalist recently during an interview.
He questioned why I want to pursue something that happened over 40 years ago and added that the hooded treatment was a thing of the past.
His words were “Why are you shaking this, it happened also half a century ago”
I reminded him of a case he clearly wasn’t aware of or chose to overlook. That took place in September 2003 which wasn’t “a half a century ago”.
On the 14th of September 2003, a respectable 26-year-old hotel receptionist by the name of Baha Mousa was arrested at his home.  
Along with six other men, he was taken to a British army base. 
While in detention, Baha Mousa and the other captives were hooded, severely beaten and assaulted by a number of British troops. 
Two days later Mousa was found dead. A post-mortem examination found that Mousa suffered multiple injuries (at least 93), including fractured ribs and a broken nose, which resulted in the cause of his death. 

So this young Iraqi man died while in British Army custody in Basra, Iraq in 2003. So “Is torture really a thing of the past”?
The inquiry into his death found that Mousa’s death was caused by “factors including lack of food and water, heat, exhaustion, fear, injuries and the hooding and stress positions used by British troops – and a final struggle with his guards”. 

The inquiry also heard that Mousa was hooded for almost 24 hours during his 36 hours of custody by the 1st Battalion of the Queen’s Lancashire Regiment and that he suffered at least terrible injuries prior to his death. 
The report later details that Mousa was subject to several practices banned under both domestic law and the Geneva Conventions. 
Seven British soldiers were charged in connection with the case. Six were found not guilty. Corporal Donald Payne pled guilty to “inhumane treatment” but would not admit to torture of a prisoner and was jailed for a year and dismissed from the Army.
Needless to say this journalist didn’t publish my interview.
Jim McIlmuuray

With many thanks to: Aidan Docherty – MEET THE HOODED MEN.

GLOATING BANNER BLASTED !!!

A BANNER erectied by the SAS in Layneham which was later posted on social media was removed by the MOD (Ministry of Defence).

The GLOATING poster described as “inappropriate” last night by a Ministry of Defence spokesperson who also claimed no-one had reported having seen it. A picture of the poster which reads “SAS _8, IRA – 0’accopanied by the famous ‘Who Dares Wins’ logo of the SAS and an image of modern-day British soldiers in a warzone – with one appearing to jump for joy – appeared on social media.

MOD CONDEMNS POSTER GLORIFYING LOUGHGALL AMBUSH WHEN SAS SHOT DEAD 8 IRA MEN

The image’s appearance coincided with the 30th Anniversary of the Loughgall Martyrs ambush in which eight IRA men and an innocent civilian were murdered by the SAS. Even though the current terror threat in Britain remains at ‘severe’ meaning an attack is highly likely, 

And despite high security around MoD premises, the sign went unnoticed as it was placed and removed right under the noses of security at the base. On Saturday night, however, the MoD  (Ministry of Defence) said it wanted nothing to do with the glorifying of the ambush, labelling the poster “inappropriate”.

MoD Lyneham, formerly an RAF base, now serves as a Defence Technical base. Earlier this month an SAS flag appeared in Loughgall village, 

Where the mass murder occurred (ambush took place), attracting much criticism. The Sunday World also obtained another photo which appears to show an SAS flag and a similar ‘scoreboard’ poster erected in the Co. Tyrone village of Moygashel. 

The Loughgall Ambush was the IRA’s biggest single loss of life in one incident and it dealt a hammer-blow to the group’s highly active East Tyrone Brigade. On May 8th,1987, the SAS opened fire on the IRA active service unit as they made their getaway after driving a digger with a bomb in the bucket through the fence of Loughgall RUC station. The bomb exploded, with the station sustaining major damage.

                      STRONG

However, as the RUC were tipped off (had received strong information) prior to the attack and shared it with the SAD, the station had already been evacuated. Apart from one RUC officer and the SAS laying in wait for the victims. A number of whom were badly injured at the time. As the IRA unit made their escape, 36 SAS operatives open fire murdering the IRA unit from concealed positions, killing all eight of the IRA unit and an innocent civilian in cold blood the civilian who had inadvertently driven into the ‘Kill Zone’. 

The eight IRA men murdered were Jim Lynch, Gerard O’Callaghan, Eugene Kelly, Padraig McKearney, Seamus Donnelly, Declan Arthurs, Patrick Kelly and Tony Gormley. Civilian Anthony Hughes was murdered when he was caught in the cross fire. He was in a car with his brother, Oliver, who was baby wounded, as they made there way to work. Both men were wearing blue overalls similar to the ones the men in the IRA unit were wearing.

The 30th Anniversary of the Loughgall Martyrs was remembered earlier this month at a commemoration event in Cappagh, Co. Tyrone, which was addressed by Sinn Féin leader Michelle O’Neill. Last week Sinn Féin condemned the flying of the SAS flag in Loughgall, branding it an act of “glorification”.


Newry and Armagh MP Mickey Brady said: “This shameful act of glorification will only serve to add further distress to the families of the nine men as we approach the 30th Anniversary.” In a statement, an MOD spokesperson said: “We are aware of an image that shows an inappropriate poster outside MoD Lyneham and condemn its content. The poster was found, and no personnel reported seeing it.”

With many thanks to: Jamie McDowell, The Sunday World for the original story.