Why did senior gardaí and DPP – who knew the unstable Crevan Makin had access to guns – release him from prison on reduced bail?
ON 11th OCTOBER 2015, Adrian Crevan Mackin shot dead Garda Tony Golden and seriously wounded Siobhán Philips before taking his own life near Omeath, Co Louth. New evidence shows that Adrian Crevan Mackin was a Garda agent and informer, tasked with infiltrating so-called dissident republican groupings. He was out on bail at the time of the murder even though he had admitted possessing weapons and explosivies. Nine months before the killing of Garda Golden, Crevan Mackin had admitted to possession of firearms and even led gardaí to an arms dump near the Border where they recovered two pistols. Incredibly, despite this, Mackin was not charged with any firearms offences. The series of events leading up to the killing of Garda Golden and the wounding of Mackin’s partner, Siobhán Philips, paints a murky picture where An Garda Siochána used a highly dangerous, volatile and abusive individual with serious mental health issues as an agent of the state working for the Irish police. Crevan Mackin told garda detectives he had access to guns, including two glock pistols – the type he would use to kill garda golden.
Mackin had for years been on the fringes of so-called dissident republican organisations. He went to school in Warrenpoint, County Down, In 2012, he was arrested by the RUC/PSNI for possession of extreme pornographic material. After this, he moved to the north Louth, where, according to his sister, he began to supply pipe-bombs to dissident republican groupings opposed to the Peace Process.
On 16th January 2015, following a tip-off from the FBI in the United States, at least 16 armed gardaí from the Special Detective Unit in Dublin raided Mackin’s home in Omeath.
The FBI had provided a list of weapons which Mackin had purchased over a two-year period. Gardaí had obtained the warrant to raid Mackin’s home stating that they beleived he had six firearms in his possession. During the raid they found threaded and capped pipes ( which can be used for making pipe-bombs) along with gallons of sulphuric and nitric acid which are used in the mixing of explosives.
The FBI claimed they had information that Mackin was intending to import the highly-toxic poison ricin with intent to kill a Social Services officer in the North. The transcripts of interviews with gardaí show that Mackin denied membership of any organisation styling itself the IRA before simply answering 27 further questions with the words “no comment”. During a fifth round of questioning, Mackin did admit to weapons possession and importing components parts for six firearms after a list of his PayPal transactions were shown to him. Around this time, Mackin told detectives he had he had access to guns, including two Glock pistols – the type he would use to kill Garda Golden.
He also led gardaí to an arms dump at a direlict cottage in Edentubber where they recovered two beretta 9mm pistols. Mackin said he brought the gardaí to this arms dump in exchange for not being charged with firearms offences, and instead to be charged with IRA membership – something he had not admitted to. Mackin’s sister said he informed her that there was a deal with the gardaí. “‘We’ll keep you out of prison but you’ll have to do this [or that] for us’. Why did they think Crevan was a good candidate to be a grass, or a tout, or informer, or whatever word you want to put on it?” she said. On 18th January 2015, the Office of Director of Public Prosecutions instructed gardaí to charge Mackin with IRA membership, the very offence he had not admitted.
Crevan Mackin’s solicitor, Paul Tiernan, told an RTÉ Investigates programme detailing the incredible story that he finds it “very strange” and “highly unusual” that “someone who had admitted possession of firearms and the importation of component parts for firearms, should have been treated in this way” and not charged with possession of those firearms. In the vast majority of cases, the strongest evidence against people is their own admissions,” the solicitor said on TV. While awaiting a bail hearing, Mackin was sent to Portlaoise Prison. There he attempted to have himself placed on wings which housed prisoners of various so-called dissident republican groups. These prisoners refused to allow Mackin on their wings, suspecting him of being a spy. Mackin’s solicitor said in an interview on RTÉ: “He told me that he was advised to infiltrate the Real IRA in Portlaoise. He confirmed that he was brought onto the political wing but, very soon after arriving on the political wing in Portaoise Prison, he was expelled.” Mackin’s bail was originally posted at €20.000 but, strangely, this was reduced to €5.000. He was released 10 days after his arrest. His sister says he had confided in her that he beleived he was going to be shot dead by dissident republicans for his role as a Garda informer, describing himself as “a marked man” and saying it was “only a matter of time” before they would kill him. His sister and solicitor say he started to deteriorate mentally and became increasingly anxious and was prone to violent outbursts.
The FBI claimed Mackin was intending to import the ricin poison with intent to kill a Social Services officer in the North.
He also began to regularly assault and beat his partner, Siobhán Philips. Two days before the killing of Garda Golden, Siobhán Philips (21) had been subjected to a horrific and prolonged assault at the hands of the 24-year-old Mackin. Over the course of 12 hours he punched Siobhán in the head, kicked her in the stomach, and slashed her a number of times on the arm and legs with a bread knife. Siobhán told work colleagues what happened and then her father and stepmother, telling them she was terrified Mackin was going to kill her. Mackin had also threatened to kill other members of her family, including her brothers. Her stepmother told her that the only way anything would come of it was if she went to the Garda and made a statement. On the morning of 10th October, a visibly frightened and injured Siobhán Philips – accompanied by her father and stepmother – attemted to register complaints of domestic violence and assault against Mackin at Dundalk Garda station. This is the same Garda station at which Mackin signed on as part of his bail conditions. Siobháns father, Seán, says the garda they dealt with in Dundalk refused to take a statement, telling them ‘that girl [Siobhán] could have a brain injury or anything. I’m not going to take a statement from somebody with injuries like that”, before instructing them to go to Omeath as it was in that jurisdiction where the assault happened.
The family met Garda Tony Golden at the Omeath station the next day.
Mackin’s sister said he informed her that there was a deal with the gardaí to keep him out of prison.
After taking the statement, Garda Tony Golden accompanied Siobhán and her father to the home she shared with Crevan Mackin to collect her things. Garda Golden and Siobhán Philips went inside while Siobhán’s father waited outside.
Mackin aggressively demanded to know why Garda was there before opening fire on the pair, killing Garda Golden and horrifically wounding Siobhán Philips with a gunshot in the head. He then turned the gun on himself.
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD asked for the recall of the Dáil from its Easter recess to allow the Minister for Justice to make a statement on the matter and to answer questions. The Louth TD has written to Justice Minister Francis Fitzgerald eight times since October 2015, to the Taoiseach four times and GSOC on three occasions to raise concerns about the case. “Given the information I provided, I would have expected Minister Fitzgerald and the Taoiseach, after a reasonable period of time, to ensure a proper investigation into the circumstances which led to the shooting of Garda Golden and Siobhán Philips took place,” he said.
The Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions instructed gardaí to charge Mackin with IRA membership – the very offence he had not admitted
The Dáil deputy described the responses from An Taoiseach and the Minister for Justice as “unsatisfactory”: “I have never received any indication that the Government was taking this matter seriously. Given that it was known by some senior figures in An Garda Siochána that Crevan Mackin had access to weapons. Siobhán Philips and Garda Golden should not have been placed in this perilous situation. Gerry Adams described the arrest, interrogation and subsequent treatment of Crevan Mackin as ‘entirely inappropriate’: “All of thd families affected by this need to have the truth about the circumstances of Cravan Mackin’s arrest, questioning, charging and relationship with An Garda Siochána. “Those responsible must be held accountable and, if neccessary, they must face a criminal investigation and possibly charges.”
Mackin’s bail was originally posted at €20,000 but, strangely, this was quickly reduced to €5,000.
Meanwhile, the family of Siobhán Philips have announced that they are to sue An Garda Siochána. In a statement following the airing of the RTÉ Investigates programme on 20th April, their solicitors. Madden & Finucane, said: “These revelations raise issues of significant public importance and require an investigation at the highest level. “We have been instructed today to issue proceedings in the High Court in Dublin and we will be writing to Francis Fitzgerald, the Minister for Justice, requesting that she immediately establish a public inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the shooting of Siobhán and the murder of Garda Golden.”
HUNDREDS of Palestian inmates have ended a 40-day hunger strike after reaching a compromise over better conditions. Prison service spokeswoman Nicole Englander said Is-a-hell (Israel) has reached a compromise with the Palestinian Authority and the Red Cross for prisoners to receive a second family visit each per month.
Hundreds of prisoners observed the strike, which they said was aimed at improving jail conditions. More than 1,000 prisoners began the hunger strike and 834 ended their fast yesterday.
With many thanks to: Sunday World for the origional story.
If one looks at the DUP’s history up to the early 2000s, a party of militant unionist protest, the enthusiasm for Brexit is very much of a type with attacks on the 1973 Sunningdale Agreement, the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, etc. It is burning the village to save the village. While the DUP was clearly happy with Stormont power-sharing, under its own terms, anything with the potential of reinforcing partition was too good an opportunity to miss. The DUP was not just driven by anti-EU sentiment, Euroscepticism to the nth degree. The party knew full well, at least the thinkers did, that that a likely outcome of Brexit…
IN Britain the general election has centred on the re-nationalisation of key industries, a Tory drive to capture working class votes in former Labour heartlands and a wider debate about conflicting definitions of national interest.
Over here, the main argument so far has centred on what one politician said about another politician’s hair.
Welcome to Not The General Election, the north’s alternative to the real world, in which one party abstains from Westminster and all of them abstain from normal politics.
Like the 18th century War of Jenkins’ Ear, we are engaged in the War of Michelle’s Hair. It is an issue which has prompted more outrage than, for example, the recent proposal to close 40 schools.
So for us, the election in Britain is a spectator sport, because none of our main political parties possess the ideology or even the vocabulary to seriously debate social or economic policy. As a result, local political comment on events in Britain has been limited to personalities.
Nationalist politicians have expressed indignation at Theresa May calling an election in the middle of the Stormont talks. Apart from the fact that the talks were less than promising, do they really believe that a British Prime Minister would forego the chance for a bigger parliamentary majority to avoid delaying a sectarian argument in Belfast?
Ah but, they complain, she does not care about us, because she only visited us recently for a few hours. Would they like to list British prime ministers who have cared about Ireland? Perhaps they are thinking of Lord John Russell who oversaw the Famine? Maybe they had in mind Lloyd George, who sent us the Black and Tans or perhaps Edward Heath, who was ultimately in charge on Bloody Sunday?
When voting for union with Britain, nationalists appear not to have noticed that the Good Friday Agreement contained no stipulation that British prime ministers should care for us or about us.
Indeed, along with every other agreement, from St Andrews to last year’s Fresh Start, the Good Friday deal had no plan for economic investment or what should have been special economic status for the north.
It would appear to be a bit late now to complain about Tory cuts, when that nice Tony Blair – who really did care for us – was implementing them in 1998 under a Labour government, as he signed the Good Friday Agreement.
An election victory will allow Theresa May to complete Margaret Thatcher’s campaign of diminishing the role of the state to American levels, resulting in the inevitable scaling down of the welfare state and other public services.
But she is doing it differently. She is aiming to shape a new, right wing Britain, outside the EU, by cleverly exploiting working class support for Brexit.
The recent tragic bombing in Manchester will strengthen her message for strong and stable government.
For the first time since the 1960s, there is a clear left wing alternative to the Conservatives. However, there has been little comment from our major parties on Jeremy Corbyn’s policies.
It would be nice to know what they think of his proposals, for example, to abolish university tuition fees, to rescue passengers from the huge inefficiencies and high government subsidies of rail privatisation and to tax financial transactions in the City of London. This is the only part of the UK where the electorate has to guess what the parties think.
We know that in the Executive they all favoured reducing corporation tax and cutting public sector jobs, which tends to align them more with May than Corbyn.
The problem is that our long war began under a welfare state system and ended under Thatcherism. There was no attempt to build an economic dimension into the peace process, in which the needs of ordinary people might have taken precedence over paramilitaries; had they done so, Stormont might have worked.
We are now paying the price for failing to develop real politics in the peace process. Hence the fallacy that Sinn Féin and the DUP merely agreeing to enter government means that Stormont is ‘up and running’, when the success of every other government in the world is measured in terms of outputs. It is in that political vacuum that arguments over hair colour tend to arise.
So if you think that Theresa May does not care for us, why should she? After all, if she glances across the Irish Sea and looks at what passes for politics here, she might reasonably conclude that we do not care much for ourselves.
The way local political parties are conducting this election campaign would prove her point. http://www.irishnews.com/opinion/columnists/2017/05/27/news/patrick-murphy-debate-on-social-and-economic-policy-absent-from-north-s-election-campaign-1036002/